^ 


LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Accession  98792     .    CLns        ^\ 


■<Mk«-,(^.*<^r-' 


iMmm'^M. 


INDUCTIVE   SOCIOLOGY 


BY   THE   SAME   AUTHOR 

THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIOLOGY.  1896.  New  York :  The 
Macmillan  Company.  London:  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.  French 
Translation,  1897,  Paris.  Eussian  Translation,  1898,  Moscow. 
Spanish  Translation,  1898,  Madrid.  Japanese  Translation,  1900, 
T6ky6. 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIOLOGY  :  A  Text-book  for  Col- 
leges AND  Schools.  1898.  New  York :  The  Macmillan  Com- 
pany.    London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

DEMOCRACY  AND  EMPIRE  :  With  Studies  of  their  Psycho- 
logical, Economic,  and  Moral  Foundations.  1900.  New 
York:  The  Macmillan  Company.  London:  Macmillan  &  Co., 
Ltd. 


raDUCTIYE    SOCIOLOGY 


A   SYLLABUS 


OF 


METHODS,  ANALYSES  AND  CLASSIFICATIONS, 
AND  PEOVISIONALLY  FORMULATED  LAWS 


BY 


FRANKLIN  HENRY  GIDDINGS,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

PROFESSOR  IN  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY,  NEW  YORK 

AUTHOR  OF  "  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIOLOGY,"   "  DEMOCRACY 

AND  EMPIRE,"  ETC. 


N£t0  gorft 
THE  MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Ltd. 
1901 

All  rights  reserved 


5> 


GENERAL 

COPTBIOHT,  1901, 

bt  the  maomilian  company. 


NorfDooti  Jfitnt 

J.  S.  Ciuhing  &  Co.  -  Benriek  tc  Smith 
Norwood  Mass.  U.S.A. 


TO 

Cfje  JHemors  of  S.  g.  Scott 

Principal  of  the  Gkbat  Barrington,  Mass.,  High  School 

1872-1877 

STeac^er,  iFrimtJ,  antj  Comratie  in  iPJjt^ogopJs 


98792 


Pf 


*'  Although  we  may  not  have  been  moved  toward  a  thing  by  any  affect,  yet, 
if  it  is  like  ourselves,  whenever  we  imagine  it  to  be  affected  by  any  affect,  we 
are  therefore  affected  by  the  same.  ...  If,  therefore,  the  nature  of  the  external 
body  be  like  that  of  our  body,  then  the  idea  of  the  external  body  which  we 
imagine  will  involve  an  affection  of  our  body  like  that  of  the  external  body. 
Therefore,  if  we  imagine  anyone  who  is  like  ourselves  to  be  affected  with  any 
affect,  this  imagination  will  express  an  affection  of  our  body  like  that  affect  ; 
and,  therefore,  we  shall  be  affected  with  a  similar  affect  ourselves,  because  we 
imagine  something  like  us  to  be  affected  with  the  same."  —  Spinoza,  The  Ethic, 
Part  III,  Prop,  xxvii. 

"  When  I  compare  the  modem  with  the  ancient  world,  I  am  assured  as  to 
the  future  of  man.  I  am  far  from  denying  that  legislation  and  political  changes 
have  been  the  direct  means  of  great  good,  but  every  good  change  in  legislation 
or  in  government  has  been  preceded  or  brought  about  by  an  increase  of  intelli- 
gence, of  reasonableness,  or  of  brotherly  kindness  on  the  part  of  the  people  at 
large.  .  .  .  Congeniality  or  similarity  of  manners  is  what  has  drawn  social  lines 
ever  since  man  began  to  consort  with  his  fellows.  .  .  .  Birds  of  a  feather  have 
flocked  together  since  civilization  began,  and  probably  will  do  so  till  it  per- 
ishes."—  E.  L.  GoDKiN,  Social  Classes  in  the  Bepublic. 

"  The  course  of  scientific  measurement  has  generally  been  to  take  first  a 
rough  observation  of  a  quantity,  such  as  the  distance  of  the  sun,  the  thickness 
of  a  stratum,  the  atomic  weight  of  an  element,  the  specific  gravity  of  a  sub- 
stance ;  then,  as  information  accumulated,  as  the  precision  of  instruments 
increased  and  methods  were  better  adapted,  to  make  the  measurement  gradually 
more  and  more  accurate.  It  is  important  to  appreciate  this  development,  for  in 
the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  many  statistical  measurements  cannot  be 
made  with  precision  for  want  of  data,  and  a  critic  is  inclined  to  say  that  for  this 
reason  preliminary  estimates  are  valueless  ;  but  from  the  scientific  point  of  view 
this  criticism  is  wrong,  for  a  faulty  measurement  made  on  logical  principles  is 
better  than  none,  and  may  lead  to  others  with  progressive  improvement."  — 
Arthur  L.  Bowlet,  Elements  of  Statistics. 


PREFACE 

f  The  object  of  this  book  is  to  present  a  scheme  of  in- 
ductive  method,  a  somewhat  detailed  analysis  and  classi- 
fication of  social  facts,  and  a  tentative  formulation  of 
the  more  obvious  laws  of  social  activity,  —  all  as  a  basis 
for  further  inductive  studies.  If  such  studies  shall  con- 
firm this  preliminary  work,  or  if  they  shall  show  that 
it  must  be  corrected,  its  purpose  will  in  either  case  be 
accomplished.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  the  book  may  be 
useful,  not  only  in  the  college  class-room  and  in  the  uni- 
versity seminar,  but  also,  by  way  of  helpful  suggestion, 
to  scholars  engaged  in  statistical  research  or  in  construc- 
tive historical  investigation. 

The  tabular  forms  and  the  problems  have  slowly  taken 
shape,  step  by  step  with  the  prosecution  of  numerous 
inductive  studies  of  both  rural  and  urban  communities, 
which  have  been  carried  on  under  my  direction  by  fellows 
and  other  graduate  students  of  Columbia  University,  and 
which,  I  expect,  will  from  time  to  time  appear  in  printed 
form. 

Under  such  conditions  the  book  has  grown  out  of  a 
briefer  Syllabus,  published  in  1897,  with  the  title  "  The 
Theory  of  Socialization " ;  a  pamphlet  which  contained 
no  development  of  method,  and  which  was  otherwise 
incomplete. 


X  Preface 

Only  one-half  of  the  field  of  General  Sociology  is  here 
described.  Studies  of  the  historical  evolution  of  society 
and  of  the  deeper  problems  of  causation  are  not  included. 

Within  this  limited  field  these  pages  contain  much 
material,  and  many  developments  of  theoretical  detail, 
not  given  in  my  earlier  books. 

I  am  under  obligations  to  Professor  Kichmond  Mayo- 
Smith  for  many  suggestions  of  great  value,  and  to  Miss 
E.  J.  Hulbert  for  assistance  in  reading  proofs. 

Van  Deusen,  Mass., 
September,  1901. 


CONTENTS 
Book  I 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIAL  THEORY 

CHAPTER  I 

Social  Phenomena 

PAOB 

I.    Resemblance  and  Grouping 3 

n.    Psychical  Resemblance 4 

III.    Society 5 

CHAPTER  II 

Sociology 

I.  The  Scientific  Study  of  Society 7 

II.  Sociology  and  History 8 

III.  The  Unit  of  Investigation 9 

IV.  Methods 10 

CHAPTER  III 
Inductive  Method 


I.     Induction     . 
II.    Categories  of  Resemblance 
III.    Possibilities  of  Induction 

1.  Fact      . 

2.  Class    . 

3.  Generalization     . 

4.  Scientific  Law 

5.  Condition    . 

6.  Cause  . 
rV.    Induction  in  Sociology 

V.     Comparative  and  Historical  Methods 
1.  Evidence,  Records,  Testimony 


11 
12 
12 
13 
13 
13 
13 
14 
14 
16 
17 
17 


xii  Contents 

PA6> 

VI.    Human  Testimony 18 

VII.    Statistics 20 

1.  Analysis  of  Figures 21 

2.  Deviation 21 

3.  Correlation 22 

4.  Inexact  Statistics 22 

Vm.    Deduction 25 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  Problems  of  Sociology 

I.    Work  Accomplished 28 

II.     The  Further  Task 29 

ni.    Tabular  Analysis 30 


Book  II 

THE  ELEMENTS  AND  STRUCTURE  OF  SOCIETY 

Part  I 

The  Social  Population 

CHAPTER  I 

Situation 

I.    Distribution  of  Societies 35 

n.    The  Inhabitable  Areas 35 

1.  Natural  Features 36 

2.  Artificial  Features 36 

in.    Primary  and  Secondary  Sources  of  Subsistence         ...  38 

CHAPTER  II 

Aggregation 

I.  The  Fact  of  Aggregation 40 

II.  The  Inhabiting  Species 40 

III.  Density 41 

IV.  Multiplication 41 

V.  Genetic  Aggregation .42 

VI.    Migration 44 

VII.     Congregation 44 

VIII.     Causes  of  Aggregation 45 


Contents  xiii 

CHAPTER  m 
Demotic  Composition 

PAOB 

I.    Variation  and  Mixture 46 

II.    Organic  Variation 47 

III.  Age 47 

IV.  Sex 48 

V.    Kinship 49 

1.  Consanguinity 49 

2.  Propinquity 50 

3.  Nationality 50 

4.  Potential  Nationality 50 

5.  Ethnic  Race 51 

6.  Glottic  Race 52 

7.  Chromatic  Race 53 

8.  Cephalic  Race 53 

9.  Humanity 54 

CHAPTER  rV 

Demotic  Unity 

I.    Prevailing  Likeness .  55 

n.    Amalgamation 55 

lU.    Autogeny 56 


Part  II 

The  Social  Mind 

CHAPTER  I 

Like  Response  to  Stimulus 

I.    Stimulation  and  Response 57 

1.  Nature  of  Nervous  Phenomena 57 

2.  Modes  of  Activity 58 

n.    Like  Response 60 

1.  Non-simultaneous  Like  Response 60 

2.  Simultaneous  Like  Response 60 

m.     Integration  of  Like  Response 61 

1.  Momentary  Like  Response 61 

2.  Habitual  Like  Response 62 

3.  Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance 62 

4.  The  Consciousness  of  Kind 63 

5.  Concerted  Volition 64 


xiv  Contents 

VAQJt 

IV.    The  Social  Mind 65 

1.  Modes  of  the  Social  Mind 65 

2.  Definition  of  the  Social  Mind 67 

CHAPTER  n 

Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance 

I.    Socializing  Forces        .        .        . 69 

II.    Appreciation 69 

1.  Degrees  of  Appreciation 70 

2.  Motives  of  Appreciation 71 

3.  Methods  of  Appreciation 73 

III.  Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  Emotion,  and  Intellect      ...  74 

IV.  Utilization -        ....  76 

1.  Degrees  of  Utilization 76 

2.  Motives  of  Utilization 76 

3.  Methods  of  Utilization 77 

V.    Types  of  Disposition 78 

VI.    Characterization .        .79 

1.  Degrees  of  Characterization 79 

2.  Motives  of  Characterization 80 

3.  Methods  of  Characterization 81 

Vn.     Types  of  Character 82 

1.  The  Forceful 82 

2.  The  Convivial 83 

3.  The  Austere 83 

4.  The  Rationally  Conscientious 83 

VIII.    Types  of  Mind 84 

1.  Ideo-Motor 87 

2.  Ideo-Emotional 87 

3.  Dogmatic-Emotional 87 

4.  Critical-Intellectual 88 

IX.    Total  Resemblance .90 

1.  Degrees  of  Total  Resemblance 90 

CHAPTER  III 

The  Consciousness  op  Kind 

I.    The  Subjective  Aspect 91 

II.    Organic  Sympathy 91 

1.  Like  Feelings  with  Like  Response 92 

2.  Similarity  of  Sensations  of  Self  and  Others      ...  92 

3.  Facility  of  Imitation 92 

4.  Sensations  of  Meeting 93 


Contents  XV 

PAGB 

5.  Total  Organic  Sympathy 94 

6.  Degrees  of  Organic  Sympathy 94 

m.    Perception  of  Kesemblance 94 

1.  Perceptions  of  Difference  and  Resemblance       ...  95 

2.  Impressions  of  Meeting 95 

3.  Attitude  toward  Strangers .95 

4.  The  Motives  of  Communication 96 

IV.    Reflective  Sympathy 97 

V.    Affection 97 

VI.     Desire  for  Recognition 98 

VII.     The  Total  Consciousness  of  Kind 99 

VIII.     The  Consciousness  of  Potential  Resemblance     ....  100 

1.  Potential  Resemblance 100 

2.  The  Consciousness  of  Mental  Approach     ....  101 
IX.    Assimilation  or  Socialization 101 

1.  The  Socialization  of  Motives  and  Methods         .        .        .  102 

2.  Deeper  Causes  of  Assimilation 103 

3.  Psychological  Stages  of  Conflict  and  Agreement        .        .  107 
X.    Mutability  and  Degrees  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind      .        .  108 

1.  The  Law  of  Sympathy 108 

CHAPTER  IV 
Concerted  Volition 

I.     The  Rise  of  Concerted  Volition Ill 

1.  Subjective  Conditions Ill 

2.  Objective  Conditions Ill 

II.     Cooperation 112 

1.  The  Nature  of  Cooperation 113 

2.  The  Causes  of  Cooperation 114 

3.  The  Forms  of  Cooperation 116 

4.  Extent  of  Cooperation 118 

5.  Public  and  Private  Cooperation 118 

6.  The  Work  of  Cooperation:  Complex  Activities         .         .  119 

III.  Modes  of  Concerted  Volition :  Like-mindedness        .        .        .  133 

1.  Instinctive  Like-mindedness 133 

2.  Sympathetic  Like-mindedness 136 

3.  Dogmatic  or  Formal  Like-mindedness        ....  145 

4.  Deliberative  Like-mindedness 154 

IV.  Laws  of  Concerted  Volition 175 

1.  The  Extent  and  Intensity  of  Impulsive  Social  Action       .  175 

2.  The  Restraint  of  Impulsive  Social  Action ....  176 

3.  The  Controlling  Force  of  Tradition 177 

4.  Social  Choice,  Preference 177 

5.  Social  Choice,  Combination  and  Means       ....  178 


xvi  Contents 

Part  III 

Social  Organization 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Nature  and  Forms  of  Social  Organization 

PAOB 

I.    Permanence  of  Cooperation 182 

II.    Public  Sanction 182 

III.     Forms  of  Organization 183 

1.  Public  and  Private  Organization 183 

2.  Institutions 184 

3.  Incorporated  and  Unincorporated  Organizations        .        .184 

4.  The  Social  Composition 185 

5.  The  Social  Constitution 186 

CHAPTER  II 

The  Social  Composition 

I.    Resemblance  in  Component  Societies 187 

n.    Types  of  Social  Composition 189 

'         1.  Ethnic  and  Demotic  Societies 189 

2.  Metronymic  and  Patronymic  Societies        ....  190 

3.  Endogamous  and  Exogamous  Societies       ....  190 
in.    The  Composition  of  Ethnic  Societies 191 

1.  The  Family 191 

2.  The  Horde 193 

3.  The  Tribe 193 

4.  The  Confederation 194 

rV.    The  Composition  of  Civil  Societies 194 

V.    Origin  of  the  Social  Composition 196 

VI.    The  Law  of  Development  of  Social  Composition       .        .        .  197 

CHAPTER  III 

The  Social  Constitution 

I.    Resemblance  in  Constituent  Societies 199 

n.     Types  of  Constituent  Societies 201 

1.  Ethnic  and  Civil  Constitution 201 

2.  Degree  of  Separation  from  Component  Groups .        .        .  202 

3.  Secret  and  Open  Societies 202 

4.  The  Organization  of  Constituent  Societies         .        .        .  203 


Contents  xvii 

PAGE 

in.    The  Constitution  of  Ethnic  Societies 203 

1.  Component-Constituent  Societies 203 

2.  Special  Associations 207 

rV.    The  Constitution  of  Civil  Societies 208 

1.  Component-Constituent  Societies 208 

2.  Voluntary  Associations 213 

V.     Generalizations 222 

VI.    Law  of  Development 224 


CHAPTER  IV 
The  Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization 

I.    Coercion  and  Liberty 225 

1.  The  Source  of  Liberty 225 

2.  The  Laws  of  Liberty 226 

II.    Efficiency  of  Organization 228 

1.  Organization  must  Benefit  the  Organized  ....  228 

2.  Moral  Qualities    .        .        . 229 

3.  Recognition  of  Expert  Knowledge 230 


Part  IV 

The  Social  Welfare 

CHAPTER  I 

The  Functioning  op  Society 

I.    The  Ends  for  which  Society  Exists 232 

1.  Proximate  Ends :  Public  Utilities 232 

2.  Ultimate  Ends :  Social  Personality 233 

II.    Genetic  and  Functional  Order 233 

CHAPTER  n 
Public  Utilities 

I.    Security 235 

1.  International  Peace 235 

2.  Domestic  Peace  and  Order 236 

IL    Equity 236 


xviii  Contents 

m.    Economy 239 

1.  The  Increase  of  Wealth      .......  239 

2.  The  Apportionment  of  Wealth  .        .        .        .        .        .241 

3.  The  Social-Economic  Classes 242 

IV.    Culture 243 

1.  Education 244 

2.  The  Diminution  of  Fear 244 


CHAPTER  m 

The  Social  Personality 

I.    Final  Results .249 

n.    Analysis  of  Personality .  249 

1.  Vitality 250 

2.  Vitality  Classes 251' 

3.  Mentality 253 

4.  Mentality  Classes 255 

5.  Morality 257 

6.  Morality  Classes 257 

7.  Sociality 259 

8.  Sociality  Classes 261 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality 

I.    The  Evolution  of  Personality 266 

1.  Association  and  Personality 266 

2.  The  Unity  of  Personality 267 

3.  Psychical  Determination 268 

4.  Cumulative  Happiness .  269 

n.    Volitional  Association 271 

1.  Forms  of  Volitional  Association 271 

2.  The  Growth  and  Reactions  of  Volitional  Association        .  272 

3.  Degree  of  Association 274 

4.  Extent  and  Duration  of  Association 275 

III.     The  Reactions  of  Institutions  upon  Personality         .        .        .  276 

rV.    Community  and  Competition 278 

Problems 281 

Appendix 285 

Index 297 


BOOK  I 
THE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIAL  THEORY 


INDUCTIYE  SOCIOLOGY 

CHAPTER  I 

Social  Phenomena 

Resemblance  and  Grouping 

In  the  world  of  external  things  objects  which  are  so 
much  alike  that,  in  our  thought  of  them,  we  conceive 
them  as  a  "  kind  "  or  "  class/'  are  seldom  scattered  in  a 
wholly  random  distribution.  Usually  they  are  more  or 
less  grouped,  or  ''  segregated,"  in  space. 

Especially  is  this  true  of  living  organisms.  The  various 
species  of  plants  and  of  animals  have  their  "  areas  of  char- 
acterization," and,  within  these,  their  well-known  habitats 
or  haunts.  Vegetal  organisms  of  any  given  kind  are 
more  or  less  closely  massed  in  particular  places,  and 
animal  organisms  are  commonly  found  in  swarms,  bands, 
or  flocks.  Human  beings  for  the  most  part  live  in 
aggregations. 

Among  the  resemblances  that  may  be  observed  in  any 
normal  aggregation  of  vegetal,  or  of  animal,  organisms, 
including  human  beings,  are  morphological  and  physio- 
logical similarities  associated  with  phenomena  of  common 
descent  and  interbreeding.  These  similarities  are  vari- 
ously known  as  degrees  of  kinship  or  as  racial  character- 
istics. 


4  Inductive  Sociology 

Psychical  Resemblance 

'  Of  great  practical  importance  in  each  of  the  higher 
animal  species,  and  above  all  in  the  human  race,  are 
similarities  of  nervous  organization  and  functioning. 
Under  like  circumstances  two  or  more  animals,  or  human 
individuals,  of  like  nervous  organization,  behave  in  like 
ways.  In  the  language  of  psychology,  they  respond  in 
like  ways  to  the  same  stimulus,  or  to  like  stimuli. 

Habitual  like  response  to  like  stimuli  constitutes  a 
mental  and  practical  resemblance. 

Mental  and  moral  similarities  are  sometimes  closely 
associated  with  degrees  of  kinship,  and  sometimes  not. 

Throughout  the  animal  kingdom  mental  reactions  and 
practical  activities  are  organized  in  instincts,  which,  in 
many  species,  are  delicate  and  exceedingly  complex. 
Mental  and  practical  resemblance  among  animals  is 
chiefly  a  similarity  of  instincts  and  of  instinctive  conduct. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  in  all  animal  species, 
except  the  lowest,  mental  and  practical  resemblance  is 
sympathetically  felt,  but  not  intellectually  perceived,  by 
the  resembling  individuals  themselves. 

Among  human  beings,  individuals  in  a  good  degree 
alike  in  physical  traits  and  in  mental  qualities,  and  dwell- 
ing together  in  a  common  habitat,  not  only  feel  their 
resemblances  and  differences,  but  also  distinctly  perceive 
them  :  they  intellectually  apprehend  them. 

Kesembling  individuals  who  are  sympathetically  or  in- 
tellectually aware  of  their  resemblances  find  pleasure  in 
companionship.  Those  who  intellectually,  as  well  as  sym- 
pathetically, know  their  similarity,  find  pleasure  in  an 
active  interchange  of  ideas,  and  in  a  systematic  cultiva- 
tion of  acquaintance. 

Kesembling   individuals  who  are  thus  aware  of  their 


Social  Phenomena  5 

resemblances,  and  find  pleasure  in  acquaintance,  discover 
that  they  can  work  together  for  common  ends.  It  is 
possible  for  them  to  have  similar  purposes  in  life,  to 
agree  upon  the  best  means  of  achieving  them,  to  under- 
stand one  another,  and  therefore  to  cooperate  sympatheti- 
cally and  with  success. 

The  total  mental  and  practical  resemblance  of  any 
plural  number  of  individuals,  including  the  original  simi- 
larities, the  consciousness  of  resemblances  and  differences, 
and  the  agreeing  will  to  act  together,  may  be  called  like- 
mindedness. 

Like-minded  individuals  find  satisfaction  in  their  agree- 
ments and  try  to  minimize  their  disagreements.  When 
brought  into  contact  with  individuals  who  in  thought  or 
conduct  differ  from  themselves,  they  commonly  try  to 
convince,  persuade,  or  convert  those  who  differ,  and 
thereby  to  extend  like-mindedness. 

Society 

The  interchange  of  ideas  and  sympathies  by  resembling 
individuals,  their  cultivation  of  acquaintance  and  like- 
mindedness,  their  comradeship  and  cooperation,  are  Social 
Phenomena. 

The  dwelling  together  in  a  common  habitat  of  a  plural 
number  of  organisms  of  the  same  variety  or  species  may 
be  called  a  Sub-Social  Grouping.  Sub-social  grouping  is  a 
condition  of  great  importance  in  its  relation  to  the  struggle 
for  existence  and  the  survival  of  the  fittest.^ 

Any  group  of  animals  of  the  same  variety  or  species, 
dwelling  together  in  a  common  habitat,  and  instinctively 
or  sympathetically  cooperating,  may  be  called  an  Animal 
Society.^ 

1  See  "  The  Economic  Ages,"  Political  Science  Quarterly^  Vol.  XVI,  No.  2, 
June,  1901,  pp.  193-221. 

2 See  "The  Psychology  of  Society,"  Science,  New  Series,  Vol.  IX,  No.  210, 
January  6,  1899.  This  paper  can  be  found  also  in  "  Democracy  and  Empire," 
pp.  29-41. 


^ 


6  Inductive  Sociology 

Any  group  of  human  beings,  sufficiently  alike  and 
acquainted  for  sympathetic  cooperation,  and  dwelling 
together  in  a  geographical  area  that  can  be  fairly  well 
defined,  may  be  called  a  Social  Population. 

Any  group  or  number  of  human  individuals  who  culti- 
vate acquaintance  and  mental  agreement,  and  who,  know- 
ing and  enjoying  their  own  like-mindedness,  are  able  to 
work  together  for  common  ends,  is  a  Human  Society. 

An  entire  social  population  that  is,  or  that  tends  to 
become,  a  single  social  group  may  be  called  a  Natural 
Society. 

A  natural  society  which  is  large  enough  to  carry  on  every  known 
kind  of  social  activity  and  cooperation,  and  which,  independently  of 
any  other  society,  maintains  control  over  the  territory  that  it  occu- 
pies, may  be  called  an  Integral  Society. 

Within  each  integral  society  are  to  be  found  social  groups  that 
in  many  respects,  but  not  in  all,  are  complete  and  independent. 
Each  of  these  groups,  if  left  to  itself,  could  maintain  its  existence 
and  perfect  a  social  life,  but  in  fact  each  is  subordinate  in  certain 
matters  to  the  larger  society  which  includes  it.  Such  social  groups 
—  families,  hamlets,  towns,  provinces,  commonwealths,  or  petty 
kingdoms,  united  in  great  states  or  empires  —  by  combination  make 
up  the  integral  society,  and  may  therefore  be  called  Component 
Societies. 

Within  each  integral  society,  and  within  most  of  the  component 
societies,  are  associations  that  have  been  artificially  formed  for 
achieving  various  purposes.  Societies  of  this  kind — political  par- 
ties, business  corporations,  churches,  and  so  on  —  carry  on  the  work 
of  the  community  by  a  division  of  labour,  and  are  not  independent 
of  one  another.  Together  they  make  up  or  constitute  the  social 
organization  of  the  integral  society.  They  may,  therefore,  be  called 
Constituent  Societies. 

In  its  relation  to  the  struggle  for  existence,  society  is  a 
fact  yet  more  important  than  sub-social  grouping.  It  is 
through  the  mediation  of  society  that  the  survival  of  the 
fit  becomes  the  survival  of  the  best. 


CHAPTER  II 
Sociology 

The  Scientific  Study  of  Society 

Sociology  is  a  scientific  study  of  society.  It  aims  to 
become  a  complete  scientific  description  and  history  of 
society,  and' as  nearly  as  possible  a  complete  explanation 
of  society  in  terms  of  simpler  phenomena.^ 

Since  the  phenomena  of  a  social  population  are  chiefly 
mental  and  moral,  the  elements  of  social  description  and 
explanation  are  for  the  most  part  psychological  concepts 
and  laws.  Sociology  presupposes  psychology  as  psychology 
presupposes  biology,  and  as  biology  presupposes  the  sciences 
of  inorganic  phenomena. 

Psychology  is  the  science  of  the  elements  and  of  the  genesis  of 
mental  phenomena,  as  determined  by  physical  and  organic  relations, 
and  as  presented  in  any  normal  individual  mind.  Sociology  is  the 
science  of  mental  phenomena  in  some  of  their  higher  complications 
and  reactions,  as  presented  by  a  plural  number  of  interacting  minds, 
and  of  the  constructive  evolution  of  a  social  medium,  through  which 
the  adaptations  of  life  and  its  environment  become  reciprocal. 

In  their  philosophical  relations,  therefore,  biology,  psychology, 
and  sociology  are  sciences  corresponding  to  a  gradation  of  phenomena. 
Biology  is  the  general  science  of  life,  but  it  surrenders  to  psychology 
a  study  of  the  wider  adjustments  of  the  organism  in  space  and  in 
time,  through  the  evolution  of  mind.  Psychology  is  the  general 
science  of  mind,  but,  in  its  turn,  it  surrenders  to  sociology  a  study 
of  the  interaction  of  minds,  and  of  the  reciprocal  adjustments  of  life 
and  its  environment  through  the  evolution  of  a  social  medium. 

1  See  "  Democracy  and  Empire,"  Chapter  iv,  "The  Mind  of  the  Many." 

7 


8  Inductive  Sociology 

Sociology  may  be  divided  into  General,  or  Fundamental,  Sociology, 
and  Special  Sociology. 

General  Sociology  is  a  study  of  the  universal  and  fundamental 
phenomena  of  societies.  It  investigates  only  the  facts  and  correla- 
tions found  in  all  societies,  the  types  of  society,  the  stages  of  social 
development,  the  general  laws  of  social  evolution.  Special  Sociology^ 
consists  of  a  group  of  social  sciences,  each  dealing  minutely  with 
some  one  phase  of  social  organization,  social  activity,  or  social  devel- 
opment. Among  these  sciences  are  various  studies  concerned  with 
culture,  economics,  jurisprudence,  and  politics. 

The  present  Syllabus  deals  only  with  the  methods  and  with  a 
portion  of  the  investigations  and  conclusions  of  General  Sociology. 

Sociology  and  History 

To  a  great  and  increasing  extent  the  field  of  the  sociol- 
ogist is  the  same  as  that  of  the  historian.  The  cor- 
respondence, however,  is  not  exact,  and  the  differences 
between  sociology  and  history,  as  history  is  usually  con- 
ceived, should  be  understood. 

It  is  often  said  that  "  History  repeats  itself."  Nevertheless,  — 
and  this  also  has  often  been  remarked,  —  while  many  essential  facts 
in  the  social  organization  and  career  of  any  people  are  to  be  found 
in  the  organization  and  career  of  every  people,  there  are  differences 
marking  off  each  nation  and  each  epoch  from  every  other,  and  giving 
to  each  an  individual  character.  The  individual  or  personal  elements 
in  history  and  the  distinctive  quality  of  events  are  not  repeated. 

Whatever  is  repeated  —  in  human  affairs  as  in  physical  things  — 
can  be  studied  by  scientific  methods.  Statistical  countings,  com- 
parisons, and  classifications  can  be  made,  and,  in  the  course  of  time, 
inductions  of  law  and  of  cause. 

Accordingly,  the  constant  element  in  history  has  been  made  the 
subject-matter  of  various  sciences,  for  example,  comparative  folklore, 
comparative  religion,  comparative  political  economy,  comparative 
jurisprudence,  and  comparative  constitutional  law. 

The  historian  has  seldom  attempted  to  dissociate  the  constant  ele- 
ments in  history  from  the  unique,  the  individual,  the  personal.  On 
the  contrary,  hd  very  properly  has  tried  to  grasp  history  in  its  con- 
crete entirety,  and,  in  recording  the  life  of  any  people  or  age,  to 


Sociology  9 

make  clear  the  vital  connection  between  those  things  that  are  uni- 
versal and  those  that  are  peculiar  or  distinguishing.  On  the  strictly 
scientific  side  his  work  may  have  suffered  by  such  inclusiveness,  but 
on  the  descriptive  and  narrative  side,  and  in  human  interest,  it  has 
gained. 

The  sociologist  confines  his  studies  to  those  universal  or  constant 
portions  of  ever  repeated  history  that  admit  of  examination  by  scien-l 
tific  methods.  His  field,  therefore,  is  less  broad,  and  at  the  same 
time  less  detailed  and  less  concrete,  than  that  of  the  historian. 

Sociology,  then,  in  its  relation  to  history,  may  accurately  boi 
described  as  a  study  of  the  constant  elements  in  history,  by  the  rela- 
tively exact  methods  of  the  statistician,  and  an  interpretation  or 
explanation  of  history  in  terms  of  the  concepts  and  laws  of  psychol- 
ogy as  developed  into  a  social  psychology. 

In  recent  years  it  has  been  the  ambition  of  many  historians  to  be 
scientific  in  their  work,  and  not  a  few  of  them  have  argued  that  his- 
tory may  be  conceived  as  a  science,  or  developed  into  a  science.  To 
the  extent  that  the  historian  is  scientific,  he  is  a  sociologist. 

The  Unit  of  Investigation 

.The  scientific  description  of  any  object  or  group  of  facts 
must  start  from  that  imperfect  discrimination  which  com- 
mon knowledge  has  already  made  of  the  object  itself  from 
all  other  things. 

But  just  because  the  scientific  mind  is  dissatisfied  with 
off-hand  knowledge,  it  begins  its  systematic  classifying  of 
things  by  trying  to  make  its  preliminary  observations  as 
exact  as  possible.  This  is  done  by  stripping  away  from 
the  subject  of  investigation  all  irrelevant,  accidental,  and 
occasional  facts,  and  looking  for  what  is  simple,  element- 
ary, and  persistent.  The  simplest  form'  of  the  subject- 
matter  of  a  science  is  called  the  Unit  of  Investigation. 

In  its  simplest  form,  society  exists  whenever  an  indi- 
vidual has  a  companion  or  associate.  The  Socius,  then,  is 
the  unit  of  any  social  group  or  society ;  and  his  conduct  is 
the  unit  of  social  activity. 


10  Inductive  Sociology 

Every  human  being  is  at  once  an  animal,  a  conscious  individual 
mind,  and  a  socius.  As  an  animal  he  is  studied  by  the  anatomist 
and  the  physiologist;  as  a  conscious  mind  he  is  studied  by  the 
psychologist ;  as  a  socius,  loving  and  seeking  acquaintance,  forming 
friendships  and  alliances  with  other  socii  like  himself,  imitating 
them  and  setting  examples  for  them,  teaching  them  and  learning 
from  them,  and  engaging  with  them  in  many  forms  of  common 
activity, — he  is  studied  by  the  sociologist. 

The  unit  of  investigation,  then,  in  sociology  is  the  socius — that  is 
to  say,  the  individual  who  is  not  only  an  animal  and  a  conscious 
mind,  but  also  a  companion,  a  learner,  a  teacher,  and  co-worker. 

Sociology  studies  the  nature  of  the  socius,  his  habits  and  his  activ- 
ities. Whether  there  are  different  kinds  or  classes  of  socii,  how 
socii  influence  one  another,  how  they  combine  and  separate,  what 
groups  they  form, — all  these  questions  also  are  questions  of  soci- 
ology. 

Methods 

Sociology  legitimately  uses  all  known  methods  of  scien- 
tific research,  inductive  and  deductive.  Its  chief  reliance, 
however,  is  necessarily  upon  inductive  method. 


CHAPTER  III 

Inductive  Method 

Induction 

Induction  is  a  systematic  observation  and  recording  of 
Resemblances  and  Differences. 

Mill's  definition  is :  "  Induction,  properly  so  called,  .  .  .  may,  then, 
be  summarily  defined  as  Generalization  from  Experience.  It  con- 
sists in  inferring  from  some  individual  instances  in  which  a  phenom- 
enon is  observed  to  occur,  that  it  occurs  in  all  instances  of  a  certain 
class ;  namely,  in  all  which  resemble  the  former,  in  what  are  regarded 
as  the  material  circumstances."  ^ 

Venn  describes  the  task  of  inductively  investigating  nature  as  con- 
sisting of  "  a  gradual  accumulation  of  individual  instances,  as  marked 
out  from  one  another  by  various  points  of  distinction,  and  connected 
with  one  another  by  points  of  resemblance."  * 

This  thought  is  further  developed  in  mathematical  terms  by 
Pearson.* 

Not  many  objects,  or  persons,  or  acts,  or  events,  re- 
semble one  another  in  a  large  number  of  details,  or 
"  points. "  Usually  one,  or  two,  or  three  points  of  re- 
semblance may  be  observed,  and  all  else  is  difference. 

A  point  of  resemblance  may  be  some  feature,  or  quality,  or  com- 
position, of  the  things  themselves,  or  of  the  persons  themselves,  or 
of  the  acts  or  events  themselves,  that  are  compared ;  or  it  may  be 
nothing  more  than  some  circumstance  or  accident  of  association. 
Thus,  the  only  resemblance  that  can  be  aflB.rmed  of  two  events  may 

1  "  Logic,"  Book  III,  chapter  iii,  §  1,     Cf.  also  Book  III,  Chapter  i,  §  2. 

2  "The  Logic  of  Chance,"  Part  II,  Chapter  ix,  §  3,     Cf.  also  §§  29,  30. 
8  "  The  Grammar  of  Science,"  revised  edition.  Chapter  x,  §  5. 

11 


12  Inductive  Sociology/ 

lie  in  the  external  circumstance  that  they  happen  to  occur  at  the 
same  moment  of  time,  while  the  resemblance  of  one  vertebrate  to 
another  lies  in  their  similarity  of  internal  structure. 

In  common  speech  we  use  the  word  "  association,"  rather  than  the 
word  "  resemblance,"  for  such  similarities  as  those  of  like  occurrence 
in  time  or  in  space.  If,  however,  we  ask  ourselves  the  psychological 
question.  What  do  we  mean  by  the  "  association  "  of  two  or  more 
things  in  time  or  in  space  ?  we  discover  that  what  really  happens  in 
consciousness  is  a  recognition  of  similar  time  elements  or  "  marks," 
or  of  similar  space  elements  or  "  marks,"  in  our  complex  perception 
of  the  two  or  more  things.^  We  say  that  things  are  associated  in 
time  if  their  time  "  marks  "  are  alike,  or  that  they  are  associated  in 
space  if  their  space  "  marks  "  are  alike. 

Categories  of  Resemblance 

An  analysis  of  his  own  conscious  experience  will  satisfy 
the  inquirer  that  every  possible  mode  of  resemblance 
which  the  mind  can  apprehend  can  be  found  in  one  or 
another  of  the  following  categories: — 

1.  Kesemblances  of  Occurrence  in  Time. 

2.  Resemblances  of  Position  in  Space. 

3.  Eesemblances  of  Form,  Colour,  Habit,  State,  or  Condition. 

4.  Resemblances  of  Correlation  and  Interdependence  (Structure 
and  Function). 

6.   Resemblances  of  Occurrence  in  a  Series  (Genesis), 
6.   Resemblances    of    Magnitude   (of   Mass,  Number,  Rate,  or 
Power). 

Systematic  observations  of  resemblances,  within  these 
categories,  constitute  the  method  that  Mill  called  the 
Method  of  Agreement.^ 

Possibilities  of  Induction 

By  the  method  of  agreement  we  can  make  inductions 
of  Fact,  Glass,  Generalization,  Scientific  Law,  smd  Condi- 
tion, ^4 
1  See  James,  "Psychology,"  Vol.  I,  p.  631 ;  Vol.  II,  p.  167. 
«  John  Stuart  Mill,  "Logic,"  Book  III,  Chapter  viii. 


Inductive  Method  13 

A  Fact,  in  the  scientific  sense  of  the  word,  is  the  close 
agreement  of  many  observations  or  measurements  of  the 
same  phenomenon. 

If,  as  a  scientific  fact,  the  height  of  a  certain  point  of  land  above 
sea  level  can  be  recorded  as  1259  feet,  it  is  because  repeated  measure- 
ments, made  by  the  same  and  by  different  surveyors,  agree  within  a 
difference,  or  "  error,"  of  less  than  twelve  inches.  If  the  density  of 
oxygen  —  air  being  unity  —  can  be  set  down  in  a  scientific  treatise 
as  1.10561,  it  is  because  thousands  of  delicate  measurements  have 
agreed  to  within  an  error  of  less  than  one-thousandth  of  a  unit. 

The  difference  between  any  one  count,  or  measurement,  or  weigh- 
ing, of  a  certain  number,  space,  or  mass,  and  the  average  of  all  counts, 
measurements,  or  weighings,  of  the  same  number,  space,  or  mass,  is 
called  a  "  variation  "  or  "  error."  The  average  of  all  variations  or 
errors  is  called  the  "  mean  variation"  or  "mean  error."  The  test  of 
the  scientific  validity  of  an  alleged  fact  is  the  smallness  of  the  mean 
error  of  the  observations,  or  measurements,  by  which  that  alleged 
fact  has  been  established.* 

A  Class,  in  the  scientific  sense  of  the  word,  is  a  plural 
number  of  facts  that  resemble  one  another  in  some  given 
point  or  number  of  points. 

A  Generalization  J  in  the  scientific  sense  of  the  word,  is 
an  affirmation  that  a  constant  relation  exists  between  an 
unvarying  class  of  facts  and  some  unvarying  fact  not  in 
the  class,  or  between  one  unvarying  class  of  facts  and 
some  other  unvarying  class. 

Thus  Kepler's  law,  so  called,  that  all  planets  move  about  the  sun 
in  elliptical  orbits,  is  a  generalization.  Planets  are  a  class.  Ellipti- 
cal orbits  are  a  class.  A  constant  relation  between  these  two  classes 
is  affirmed. 

A  Law,  in  the  scientific  sense  of  the  word,  is  an  affirma- 
tion of  a  constant  relation  between  a  fact  of  variation  and 

1  A  simple  arithmetical  method  of  determining  mean  error  is  explained  in 
Scripture's."  The  New  Psychology,"  pp.  47,  48.  More  delicate  methods  are 
described  in  mathematical  works,  in  Bowley's  "  Elements  of  Statistics,"  and  in 
similar  treatises. 


14  Inductive  Sociology 

some  other  fact  of  variation,  or  between  a  fact  of  varia- 
tion and  a  class  of  variations,  or  between  a  class  of  varia- 
tions and  some  other  class  of  variations. 

Thus,  the  law  of  gravitation  is  the  affirmation  that  bodies  attract 
each  other  directly  as  their  masses,  and  inversely  as  the  squares  of 
their  distances ;  that  is,  that  as  masses  vary  gravitation  increases  or 
decreases,  the  progression  being  arithmetical ;  that  as  distances  vary 
gravitation  increases  or  decreases,  the  progression  being  geometrical. 
The  law  of  multiple  proportions  in  chemistry  is  the  affirmation  that 
the  proportion  by  weight  in  which  any  element  combines  with  any 
other  element  is  a  multiple  of  the  proportion  by  weight  in  which  it 
combines  with  any  yet  other  element. 

Condition.  —  The  method  of  agreement  applied  to  prob- 
lems of  causation  affords  inductions  of  necessary  antece- 
dent, that  is  of  Condition. 

Cause.  —  For  induction  of  Cause,  it  is  necessary  to 
employ  not  only  the  Method  of  Agreement,  but  also  the 
Method  of  Difference.^ 

We  must  ask  whether  a  necessary  antecedent  or  some  combina- 
tion of  necessary  antecedents  is  sufficient  to  produce  the  observed 
effect.  This  we  must  determine  by  observing  the  differences  of 
effect  produced  by  different  antecedents  or  combinations  of  antece- 
dents. 

The  combined  methods  of  agreement  and  difference  we  may 
apply  by  making  all  possible  classes  called  for  in  the  problem,  and 
by  ascertaining  what  fact,  event,  or  individual  is  found  in  all  the 
classes. 

The  practical  use  of  the  combined  method  of  agreement  and  dif- 
ference, through  the  formation  of  a  sufficient  number  of  classes  of 
resembling  facts,  is  well  illustrated  in  the  familiar  case  of  an  attempt 
to  discover,  from  circumstantial  evidence,  the  individual  who  has 
committed  a  crime.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  only  positive  evidence 
connecting  a  suspected  person  with  a  murder  is  a  revolver  of  a  given 
make  and  caliber,  containing  five  loaded  chambers  and  one  empty 
chamber,  and  known  to  be  the  property  and  in  the  possession  of  the 
defendant,  together  with  certain  ascertained  facts  about  men  who 

1  Mill,  "Logic,"  Book  III,  Chapter  viii. 


Inductive  Method  15 

were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  murder  on  the  day  when  it  was  com- 
mitted. Our  case,  then,  is  made  up  by  constituting  the  following 
classes  of  persons :  (1)  Men  sufficiently  near  the  scene  of  fatal  shoot- 
ing. (2)  Men  sufficiently  near  the  scene  of  shooting  at  time  of 
shooting.  (3)  Men  with  motive  to  attack.  (4)  Men  with  motive 
to  kill.  (5)  Men  possessing  revolvers  of  the  given  make  and  cali- 
ber. (6)  Men  possessing  revolvers  of  the  given  make  and  caliber, 
with  one  chamber  empty. 

In  this  case  we  have  no  classes  falling  under  category  5  (Genesis, 
or  Occurrence  in  a  Series),  but  all  the  other  categories  are  repre- 
sented. Men  with  motive  to  attack,  men  with  motive  to  kill,  and 
men  possessing  revolvers,  are  classes  under  the  category  of  State  or 
Condition.  The  sub-class,  revolvers  of  a  given  make,  falls  within 
the  category  Structure.  The  class,  men  with  motive  to  kill  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  men  with  motive  to  attack),  the  sub-class,  revolvers 
of  a  given  caliber,  and  the  sub-class,  revolvers  with  one  chamber 
empty,  fall  within  the  category  of  Magnitude. 

It  may  happen  that  only  one  person  of  all  the  persons  found  in 
these  various  six  classes  can  be  shown  to  belong  in  all  the  six ;  if  so, 
that  one  person  is  undoubtedly  the  criminal.  If  more  than  one  per- 
son is  found  in  all  six  of  these  classes,  the  search  for  the  true  crimi- 
nal must  be  continued  until,  by  forming  successive  classes,  only  one 
person  remains  who  is  found  in  all  classes.  The  relations  of  such 
classes  to  one  another  may  be  shown  graphically  by  a  series  of  inter- 
secting circles,  thus:  — 


16  Inductive  Sociology 

(1)  Men  sufficiently  near  the  scene  of  fatal  shooting. 

(2)  Men  sufficiently  near  the  scene  of  shooting  at  time  of  shoot- 
ing. 

(3)  Men  with  motive  to  atta<jk. 

(4)  Men  with  motive  to  kill. 

(5)  Men  possessing  revolvers  of  a  given  make  and  caliber. 

(6)  Men  possessing  revolvers  of  a  given  make  and  caliber  with 
one  chamber  empty. 

Induction  in  Sociology 

Every  science  begins  with  inductions  which  are  nothing 
more  than  superficial  observations  of  superficial  resem- 
blances, within  the  categories  of  time  and  space,  and  of 
form,  colour,  habit,  state,  or  condition;  for  example,  the 
old  division  of  the  animal  kingdom  into  beast,  bird,  and 
fish.  Presently  observations  are  made  of  resemblances  of 
structure  and  function.  Last  of  all  come  those  system- 
atic observations  of  the  resemblances  and  differences  of 
occurrence  in  a  series,  and  of  magnitude,  which  lead  to 
the  discovery  of  causation. 

The  history  of  the  science  of  sociology  is  a  perfect  example.  The 
study  of  society  in  ancient  times  began  with  superficial  observations 
of  the  like  reunions  in  time,  for  example,  dances,  hunting  excursions, 
military  expeditions ;  of  the  like  distributions  in  space  {e.g.  in  hunt- 
ing grounds) ;  and  of  the  like  habits  and  conditions  of  aggregated 
individuals.  More  careful  observations  and  classification  culminated 
in  the  elaborate  studies  made  by  Plato  and  Aristotle  of  social  struc- 
ture and  function.  Then  came  a  long  period  of  attempts  to  trace 
genesis  and  to  isolate  causes:  by  Epicurus,  Machiavelli,  Bodin, 
Hooker,  Althusius,  Grotius,  Hobbes,  Spinoza,  Pufendorf,  Locke, 
Montesquieu,  and  Rousseau.  Comte  undertook  to  do  all  this  work 
over,  comprehensively.  With  the  rise  of  evolutionist  science  an 
effort  was  made  to  do  it  more  exactly.  New  studies  of  structure 
and  function  were  made  by  Spencer,  Schaffle,  DeGreef,  Combes  de 
Lestrade,  Gumplowicz,  and  Simmel.  New  studies  of  genesis  were 
made  by  the  ethnologists,  Morgan,  Maine,  Bachofen,  Lilienfeld,  and 
McLennan ;  and  by  Spencer  and  others,  reviewing  and  coordinating 


Inductive  Method  17 

the  ethnological  work.  Studies  of  the  relative  magnitudes  of  social 
phenomena  were  made  by  the  statisticians ;  and  studies  of  cause  by- 
Buckle,  Marx,  Spencer,  Ward,  Tarde,  Durkheim,  Fouillee,  and  Le  Bon. 


Comparative  and  Historical  Methods 

research, 

ir»rlnr>+nro 


The    two    specific    methods    of    sociological   research,  * 


namely,  the  Comparative  and  the  Historical,  are  inductive. 

By  these  methods,  as  ordinarily  understood,  we  deter- 
mine whether  a  given  fact  qualitatively  belongs  in  a  given 
class.  We  study  the  alleged  resemblance.  These  meth- 
ods, in  their  qualitative  form,  give  us  as  results  the  first 
five  categories,  and  inductions  of  condition. 

A  quantitative  form  of  comparative  and  historical 
method  is  the  Statistical.  By  this  method  we  count  up 
the  number  of  resembling  facts  in  a  given  class.  This 
gives  us  the  final  category  of  resemblances,  namely,  that 
of  magnitude,  —  the  classes  of  More  and  Less.  These,  if 
we  have  complete  statistical  data,  we  can  subdivide  to  any 
desired  degree  of  accuracy. 

This  final  category  (of  magnitude)  is  of  the  utmost  importance  in 
social  investigation.  If  we  find  that  it  is  not  always  possible  per- 
fectly to  isolate  our  phenomena,  as,  for  example,  in  Mill's  familiar 
example  of  the  effect  of  a  protective  tariff,  we  may  nevertheless  be 
certain  that  we  have  found  the  only  sufficient  antecedent  if  we 
know  that  we  have  found  the  only  one  commensurate  with  results. 
The  failure  to  give  due  importance  to  this  category  was  a  serious 
deficiency  in  Mill's  analysis  of  inductive  logic. 

Evidence,  Records,  Testimony.  —  Comparative  and  his- 
torical method  may  be  subdivided  into  three  general  fields 
of  investigation,  in  each  of  which  we  proceed  by  a  system- 
atic observation  of  resemblances  and  differences.  These 
are,  namely,  (1)  the  critical  study  of  circumstantial  evi- 
dence in  general,  i.e.  of  observed  facts  of  every  sort; 
(2)  the  critical  study  of  records,  documentary  and  others, 


18  Inductive  Sociology 

variously  known  as  Epigraphy,  Paleography,  and  Archae- 
ology;  and  (3)  the  critical  study  of  personal  testimony. 

In  all  of  these  studies,  as  has  been  said,  we  have  to  proceed  by  a 
systematic  observation  of  resemblances  and  differences.  Take,  for 
example,  a  case  in  epigraphy.  A  certain  document  is  brought  to 
light,  and  the  discoverer  claims  that  it  was  written  by  George 
Washington.  How  shall  we  determine  its  genuineness  ?  We  can 
do  so  only  by  instituting  a  minute  comparison  between  this  docu- 
ment and  writings  of  Washington  that  are  known  to  be  genuine. 
The  comparison  must  extend  to  a  study  of  handwriting  in  the  most 
minute  details,  to  quality  of  paper,  to  characteristics  of  style,  and 
so  on. 

Human  Testimony 

Of  all  applications  of  the  inductive  process  within  the 
general  limits  of  the  comparative  and  historical  methods, 
the  most  important  is  that  of  critically  examining  human 
testimony.  Upon  human  testimony,  in  the  last  analysis, 
all  our  historical  and  statistical  judgments  must  rest. 
When  we  have  discovered  that  historical  or  statistical 
documents  are  genuine  as  documents,  we  still  have  to 
inquire  whether  the  story  they  tell  is  truth  or  falsehood. 

The  scientific  examining  or  sifting  of  testimony,  then, 
is  one  of  the  most  important  of  all  inductive  processes. 
It  is  necessary  to  proceed  by  observing  resemblances  and 
differences  among  witnesses,  and  by  grouping  witnesses 
into  successive  classes. 

The  important  classes  into  which  witnesses  must  be  arranged  are 
these :  — 

(1)  Witnesses  whose  position  in  time  and  space  is,  or  has  been, 
such  with  reference  to  the  alleged  fact,  that  they  can  or  could  have 
seen  or  heard  it.  This  throws  out  hearsay,  or  secondary  testimony, 
as  of  secondary  value. 

(2)  Witnesses  who  (a)  have  no  motive  to  falsify,  and  who  (6)  are^ 
not  liars  by  habit. 


Inductive  Method 


19 


(3)  Witnesses  intellectually  competent  to  observe  or  to  hear  and 
to  report  accurately :  (a)  sane  and  not  feeble-minded,  (6)  not  under 
hypnotic  control,  (c)  not  under  the  control  of  an  overmastering 
passion  or  interest,  and  (d)  not  under  the  control  of  a  mastering  idea 
or  suggestion. 


Witnesses  competent  in  virtue  of :  — 

1.  Position  in  time  and  space. 

2.  Truthfulness  in  motive  and  habit. 

3.  Intellectual  qualifications. 


Witnesses  intellectually  competent :  — 
a.  Sane  and  not  feeble-minded. 


20  Inductive  Sociology 

b.  Not  under  hypnotic  control. 

c.  Not  under  control  of  an  overmastering  passion  or  interest. 

d.  Not  under  control  of  a  mastering  idea  or  suggestion. 

Statistics 

From  an  examination  of  the  nature  and  criticism  of  cir- 
cumstantial evidence,  of  documentary  materials,  and  of 
human  testimony,  the  student  of  inductive  method  passes 
on  to  an  examination  of  the  method  of  statistics,  which, 
as  has  already  been  observed,  must  be  described  as  a  quan- 
titative mode  of  the  comparative  and  historical  methods. 

Statistical  work  consists  largely  in  counting  the  individ- 
uals, qualities,  circumstances,  or  habits,  in  any  aggregation 
of  persons  or  things,  and  in  dealing,  by  various  mathe- 
matical processes,  with  the  numbers  so  obtained. 

These  quantitative  operations,  however,  are  not  the 
fundamental  operations  of  statistical  research.  The  first 
step  in  any  statistical  investigation,  as  in  inductive  method 
applied  to  purely  qualitative  problems,  is  the  noting  of 
resemblances  and  differences.  Theoretically,  the  statisti- 
cian should  ask  as  many  questions  —  calling  for  numerical 
answers  —  as  there  are  resemblances  and  differences  in  the 
subject-matter  of  his  investigation. 

Suppose,  for  example,  that  he  is  obtaining  and  arranging  the 
simpler  statistics  of  a  population.  At  the  outset  he  observes  the 
great  resemblances  of  the  time  and  space  categories,  namely  the  co- 
existence, within  a  given  period  of  time  and  within  a  given  area,  of  a 
plural  number  of  individuals.  He  observes  next  certain  differences. 
He  sees  that  the  area  or  region  under  observation  is  naturally,  and 
perhaps  also  artificially,  divided  into  unequal  and  otherwise  unlike 
parts;  for  example,  the  United  States  into  coast  regions,  plain 
regions,  mountain  regions,  and  so  on,  and  into  commonwealths  and 
territories.  He  roughly  observes  that  the  population  which  he  is  to 
study  is  unequally  distributed,  per  square  mile,  over  these  different 
regional  or  artificial  parts.  He  observes,  also,  differences  within  the 
population  itself,  namely,  a  difference  of  sex  and  differences  of  age. 


Inductive  Method  21 

Therefore,  before  beginning  his  counting,  he  decides  what  questions 
respecting  the  resemblances  and  differences  that  he  has  discovered 
it  will  be  worth  while  to  ask,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  exact  quanti- 
tative knowledge. 

The  first  step,  then,  in  statistical  investigation,  is  that  of  classifi- 
cation according  to  the  categories  of  resemblance.  When  this  has 
been  accomplished,  the  statistician  proceeds  to  make  his  count.  He 
inquires  how  many  individuals  are  found  in  each  class.  The  result 
is  the  formation  of  a  new  set  of  classes,  or  perhaps  we  should  say, 
the  discovery  of  a  new  distinguishing  mark  for  each  class.  The 
classes  have  been  converted  into  more  and  less  classes.  Thus  the 
population  in  one  given  area  is  found  to  be  greater  than  that  in 
another  given  area.  Males  are  found  to  be  fewer  than  females.  Men 
and  women  between  the  age  limits  of  thirty  and  forty  are  found  to 
be  more  numerous  than  men  and  women  between  the  age  limits  of 
sixty  and  seventy.  Deaths  of  children  under  five  are  found  to  be 
more  numerous  than  deaths  of  youths  over  fifteen,  and  so  on. 

Analysis  of  Figures,  —  When  more  and  less  classes 
have  thus  been  formed,  certain  mathematical  analyses  and 
comparisons  are  in  order.  These  may  yield  generaliza- 
tions, or  lead  to  the  discovery  of  laws,  or  even  of  causes. 

The  figures  making  up  any  one  class  or  series  are 
resolved  into  lesser  magnitude-classes. 

The  lowest  number,  the  highest  number,  and  ^Hhe  me- 
dian "  —  the  number  midway  between  the  lowest  and  the 
highest  —  are  observed,  and  the  average  of  all  the  numbers 
is  found.  Then  the  proportions  in  which  the  numbers 
group  themselves  about  the  average,  the  median,  the 
maximum,  and  the  minimum,  are  observed.  Often  these 
groupings  are  of  great  significance.  The  predominant 
grouping  is  called  the  "  mode." 

Deviation.  —  When  the  figures  of  any  one  class  or 
series  have  been  analyzed  and  grouped,  a  further  exami- 
nation of  them  is  made  to  ascertain,  first,  the  range  of 
deviation  from  the  mode,  and  secondly,  the  mode  of  the 
deviation. 


22  Inductive  Sociology 

For  example,  the  temperature  maxima  at  Chicago  day  by  day 
during  July  may  range  from  74°  to  98°.  Twenty  out  of  thirty-one 
days  may  happen  to  show  maxima  varying  not  more  than  2° 
either  way  from  89°.  This  grouping  about  89°,  then,  is  the  mode  of 
the  maxima  figures  for  the  month.  The  extreme  variation  from  the 
mode  (89°  minus  74°)  is  15°.  This  variation,  however,  it  may  appear, 
occurs  only  once  or  twice,  while  possibly  as  many  as  twenty-six 
variations  do  not  exceed  6°  in  any  case  above  or  below  89°,  and  the 
average  of  all  variations  above  or  below  89°  may  happen  to  be  6°. 
Six  degrees,  then,  is  the  mode  of  deviation  of  these  maxima  figures. 

The  mode  of  deviation  —  more  exactly  calculated  than 
is  possible  by  a  simple  arithmetical  operation,  as  in  the 
foregoing  example  —  is  technically  called  the  Standard  Devi- 
ation, or  Standard  Variation.  All  natural  phenomena  — 
including  all  social  phenomena  —  that  admit  of  counting, 
show  a  normal  range  of  variation  from  the  mode  and  a 
standard  deviation. 

Thus,  the  mode  of  the  heights  of  men  of  European  nationalities  is 
approximately  five  feet  nine  inches,  and  normal  variation  does  not 
exceed  six  inches. 

Standard  Deviation  is  the  key  to  an  understanding  of  all  phe- 
nomena of  evolution  —  variation,  natural  and  artificial  selection.  And 
this  is  as  true  of  social  as  of  psychic  or  biotic  evolution.^ 

Correlation.  —  When  standard  deviations  have  been 
determined,  classes  or  series  of  figures  may  be  compared 
one  with  another  to  ascertain  whether  they  vary  directly, 
or  inversely,  or  without  relation  to  one  another.  Direct 
or  inverse  variation  is  called  Correlation.  Degree  of  cor- 
relation is  mathematically  expressed  as  a  Coefficient  of 
Correlation.^  A  coefficient  of  correlation  is  always  equiva- 
lent to  a  generalization  or  a  law. 

Inexact  Statistics.  —  An  important  modification  of  usual 

1  For  the  full  discussion  of  this  subject,  see  Karl  Pearson,  "  The  Grammar  of 
Science,"  Chapter  x,  §  6,  and  Bowley,  "  Elements  of  Statistics,"  Part  II,  §  ii. 
2 See  Pearson,  ibid.^  Chapter  x,  §  7,  and  Bowley,  ibid.,  Part  II,  §  vi. 


Inductive  Method  23 

statistical  methods  has  now  to  be  noticed.^  There  are 
many  facts  which  we  know  in  terms  of  more  and  less,  but 
not  in  arithmetically  exact  terms. 

For  example,  we  know  that  an  adult  is  older  than  a  child,  although 
we  may  not  know  how  much  older.  We  know  that  a  locomotive  can 
travel  faster  than  a  horse,  although  we  may  be  unable  to  say  how  much 
faster.  We  know  that  Venice  had  more  trade  immediately  after  the 
Crusades  than  London  had,  although  we  do  not  know  how  much  more. 

These  differences  of  more  and  less  which  have  not  been  reduced 
to  arithmetical  exactness  are  often  of  exceeding  importance  in  social 
causation.  The  familiar  example  is  that  of  a  popular  plurality  or 
majority  in  a  democratically  governed  state.  One  or  another  party 
wins  in  an  election.  So  far  as  governmental  policy  is  concerned,  the 
exact  majority  or  plurality  of  votes  cast  in  the  election  is  of  practi- 
cally no  consequence.  The  important  fact  is  that  one  party  had  more 
votes  than  the  other.  This  familiar  example  is  representative  of  a 
large  class  of  more  and  less  facts,  continually  determining  the  course 
of  social  evolution,  and  the  investigator  of  society  should  learn  all 
that  he  can  about  them. 

These  arithmetically  inexact  more  and  less  classes  are 
quantitative  in  an  algebraic  sense.  Their  sign  is  plus  or 
minus.  We  therefore  may  say  that  there  is  an  important 
statistical  field  in  which  our  records  are  algebraic  signs 
rather  than  arithmetical  figures. 

A  convenient  and,  on  the  whole,  the  most  precise  way  of  making 
these  records  is  to  put  the  whole  whose  parts  we  are  investigating 
equal  to  one  hundred,  and  then  to  designate  any  part  exceeding^ 
seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  whole  as  a  large  majority ;  any  part  ex- 
ceeding fifty  per  cent,  but  not  exceeding  seventy -five  per  cent  as  a 
small  majority ;  any  part  less  than  fifty,  but  exceeding  twenty-five 
per  cent,  as  a  large  minority ;  and  any  part  less  than  twenty-five  per 
cent  as  a  small  minority.^ 

1  It  was  described  at  length  in  an  article  by  the  author  on  "Exact  Methods  in 
Sociology,"  in  the  Popular  Science  Monthly,  Vol.  LVI,  No.  2,  December,  1899. 

2  Quasi  statistical  methods,  essentially  like  the  one  here  described,  have  tha 
sanction  of  distinguished  scientific  authority.  See  Galton,  "  Natural  Inheri- 
tance," p.  47,  and  Bowley,  "Elements  of  Statistics,"  pp.  5,  125,  and  especially" 
p.  126. 


24  Inductive  Sociology 

Observations  of  more  and  less  are  perceptions,  if  the  phe- 
nomena under  investigation  are  within  the  field  of  sight 
and  hearing.  We  directly  perceive  the  quantitative  differ- 
ence between  a  tall  man  and  a  short  one,  between  a 
slowly  moving  object  and  one  moving  rapidly.  In  social 
investigations,  however,  the  entire  field  of  phenomena  is 
rarely  within  range  of  the  vision  or  of  the  hearing  of  any 
one  observer.  In  this  case  any  records  of  more  or  less 
that  we  may  make  are  likely  to  be  records,  not  of  direct 
perceptions,  but  rather  of  judgments,  which,  in  their  turn, 
are  inductive  inferences  from  perceived  facts.  There  is 
here  a  large  possibility  of  error. 

How  can  the  coefficient  of  error  in  this  case  be  dimin- 
ished ?  Errors  of  judgment  can  be  eliminated  only  by 
subdividing  the  whole  subject  or  phenomenon  under  inves- 
tigation into  parts  that  can  be  perceived,  and  thereby  suh- 
stituting  an  aggregate  of  perceptions  of  parts  for  a  judg- 
ment upon  an  undivided  whole. 

Tor  example,  let  there  be  a  belief  that  the  Roman  Catholics  in  a 
given  town  attend  church  in  relatively  larger  numbers  than  the 
Protestants  do.  This  popular  belief  is  merely  a  judgment,  no  actual 
count  having  been  made.  It  may  be  erroneous.  Without  making 
an  actual  count,  its  truth  or  error  may  be  established.  The  town  in 
question  being  subdivided  into  streets,  let  the  investigator  station 
himself  in  the  different  streets  one  after  another,  and  carefully 
observe  whether  on  Sundays  and  other  church  days,  within  the 
actual  field  of  his  vision,  where  perception  takes  the  place  of  judg- 
ment, more  Catholics  or  more  Protestants  are  seen  to  enter  their 
respective  places  of  worship,  no  actual  count,  however,  being  at- 
tempted. Obviously  within  this  limited  field  of  perception  a  rea- 
sonably careful  man  may  be  certain  as  to  the  facts  of  more  and  less. 
When  the  entire  community  has  thus  been  gone  over,  an  aggregate 
of  definite  perceptions  of  parts  will  have  been  substituted  for  a 
vague  judgment  upon  the  whole. 

Our  rule,  then,  for  dealing  with  quantitative  phenomena 
by  the  algebraic,  as  distinguished  from  the  arithmetical, 


Inductive  Method  25 

method  is  this:  For  every  judgment  on  an  undivided 
whole  must  he  substituted  perceptive  observations  upon  the 
whole,  subdivided  into  parts  ;  and  the  parts  must  be  suffi- 
ciently small  for  this  purpose.  Judgments  of  the  undivided 
whole  must  then  be  compared  with  the  aggregate  of  ob- 
servations. 

When  this  rule  has  been  followed,  records  of  more  and 
less,  mere  algebraic  determinations  though  they  are, 
should  be  as  certain,  although  they  are  not  as  exact,  as 
arithmetical  statistics. 

This  rule  has  long  been  followed  in  all  the  concrete  sciences. 
The  astronomer  finds  the  solar  system  as  a  whole  too  large  for  ob- 
servation by  immediate  perception.  Instead,  therefore,  of  being 
satisfied  with  a  judgment  upon  the  system  as  a  whole,  he  turns  his 
telescope  upon  each  of  the  component  planets  ;  and  his  final  knowl- 
edge of  the  system  consists  of  an  aggregate  of  perceptive  observa- 
tions of  the  parts  of  the  system,  with  which  his  judgment  upon  the 
system  as  a  whole  is  from  time  to  time  compared  and  made  to  har- 
monize. In  like  manner,  the  biologist,  instead  of  being  satisfied  with 
his  observation  of  any  animal,  or  even  of  any  organ,  as  a  whole, 
subdivides  it  into  more  and  more  minute  parts,  upon  each  of  which 
he  turns  his  microscope ;  and  his  resulting  knowledge  of  the  whole 
is  an  aggregate  of  perceptions,  and  of  judgments  made  to  harmonize 
with  them. 

In  fact,  this  rule  is  only  another  form  of  the  final  test 
of  truth  in  all  the  inductive  sciences ;  which  test  is,  the 
ultimate  agreement  or  harmony  of  perceptions  with  reasoned 
conclusions.  If  care  is  taken  to  secure  this  agreement  in 
all  those  studies  of  more  and  less  which  must  necessarily 
be  algebraic,  rather  than  arithmetical,  in  form,  our  results 
will  be  certain. 

Deduction 

In  every  extended  dv  comph'cated-induetive  research,  it 
is  necessary  at  times  to  have  recourse  to  deduction. 


26  Inductive  Sociology 

The  investigator,  therefore,  should  understand  that  de- 
duction, like  induction,  resolves  into  a  systematic  observa- 
tion of  differences  and  resemblances.  Its  validity  depends 
absolutely  upon  accuracy  of  observation. 

The  deductive  syllogism  is  more  than  a  pretentious  arrangement 
of  identical  propositions;  it  is  more  than  an  affirmation  that  the 
whole  includes  the  part,  that  the  universal  comprehends  the  particu- 
lar ;  it  is  a  powerful  instrument  for  the  discovery  of  truth. 

Thus,  when  in  the  familiar  syllogism,  we  say :  — 

All  men  are  mortal, 

John,  Sidney,  and  William  are  men, 

Therefore,  John,  Sidney,  and  William  are  mortal, 

we  really  say :  — 

All  known  men,  a,  &,  c,  .  .  .  z,  with  the  possible  exception  of  o, 
p,  q  (John,  Sidney,  and  William),  are  mortal. 

John,  Sidney,  and  William  (o,  p,  q)  resemble  all  known  men,  a,  b, 
c,  ...  71,  ...  r,  s,  ^,  ...  2  in  all  essential  characteristics,  except, 
possibly,  that  of  mortality. 

Therefore,  it  is  probable  that  o,  p,  q  resemble  a,b,c,  .  .  .  n,  .  .  .  r, 
s,  ^,  ...  2  in  mortality  also. 

Deductive  reasoning  thus  essentially  consists  in  the 
substitution  of  a  wide  class  of  partially  known  things  for  a 
narrower  class  of  known  things,  on  the  basis  of  a  resem- 
blance of  the  wider  class,  so  far  as  known,  to  the  narrower. 

In  the  syllogism  analyzed  above,  we  substitute  for  the  class,  "  all 
known  men,"  the  wider  class,  "  all  men,"  including  the  men  as  yet 
only  partially  known,  on  the  assumption  that,  so  far  as  known,  all 
partially  known  men  resemble  all  fully  known  men. 

Understanding,  then,  that  deduction  is  the  substitution 
of  one  class  of  resembling  facts  for  some  other  class,  or 
group  of  classes,  and  that  its  legitimacy  depends  upon 
accuracy  of  observation,  we  may,  use  it  to  help  out  induc- 
tion. Instead  of  observations  which  cannot  be  made,  or 
which,  with  means  at  command,  cannot  be  made  with 
accuracy,  we  may  use  other  observations  easily  made,  if 


Inductive  Method  27 

the  equivalence  of  the  latter  to  the  former  is  certainly 
known. 

For  example,  suppose  that  we  desire  to  know  whether  the  men  of 
Montana  represent  a  type  of  character  that  might  be  described  as 
forceful,  but  that  we  find  no  testimony,  no  record  of  personal  obser- 
vations, directly  bearing  upon  our  inquiry.  We  know,  however, 
that  by  the  general  consent  of  mankind,  men  who  follow  adventu- 
rous and  daring  occupations  are  described  as  forceful.  Turning, 
then,  to  the  census,  we  learn  that  a  majority  of  men  in  Montana 
follow  adventurous  and  daring  occupations.  Accordingly,  by  sub- 
stitution, we  affirm  that  a  majority  of  the  men  of  Montana  are  of 
the  forceful  type  of  character.^ 

iQn  substitution  in  statistics,  see  Bowley,  "Elements  of  Statistics,"  pp.  12, 
18. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Problems  op  Sociology 

Work  Accomplished 

In  sociology  a  vast  amount  of  inductive  work  has 
already  been  accomplished.  A  great  many  classes  have 
been  formed,  and  most  of  them  are  facts  of  familiar 
knowledge. 

We  have  the  Time  and  Space  classes.  We  think  of 
society  as  consisting  of,  or  at  least  as  a  phenomenon  of,  a 
plurality  of  individuals  of  the  same  three  or  four  genera- 
tions and  dwelling  together  within  a  described  area. 

We  have  Form,  Colour,  State,  Condition,  and  Circum- 
stance classes.  A  population  is  composed  of  men  and 
women,  that  is  organic  beings  of  a  certain  form  and 
stature.  Their  colouring  has  been  a  subject  of  observa- 
tion since  prehistoric  time,  and  since  history  began  their 
condition  or  relative  advancement,  as  savages,  barbarians, 
or  civilized  beings,  has  likewise  been  a  subject  of  attention. 

We  have  Structure  and  Function  classes.  A  society 
consists  of  individuals  resembling  one  another  in  bodily 
structure  and  function,  so  far,  at  least,  as  to  belong  to  the 
same  species,  and  more  commonly  to  the  same  race  and 
even  nationality,  and  resembling  one  another  in  mental 
organization  so  far,  at  least,  as  to  be  able  to  work  har- 
moniously together.  Strictly  sociological  classes  of  the 
structure  and  function  category  are  likewise  familiar.  Gov- 
ernments have  been  classified  since  the  days  of  Aristotle, 

28 


The  Problems  of  Sociology  29 

and  industrial  systems  most  carefully  since  the  days  of 
the  Physiocrats  and  of  Adam  Smith. 

In  historical  and  in  statistical  work  these  various  classes  have 
been  subdivided  and  resubdivided.  Population,  as  we  have  already 
observed,  is  distributed  into  sex  and  age  classes,  into  colour,  race, 
and  nationality  classes.  Mind  is  distributed  into  mental  types, 
types  of  character,  types  of  habit,  and  so  on. 

The  Further  Task 

Starting  from  the  classifications  already  made  and 
familiar,  the  further  task  of  inductive  sociology  is  to  de- 
fine, subdivide,  and  coordinate  these  classes,  and  then  to 
arrive  at  such  conclusions  as  are  possible  within  the 
category  of  causation. 

The  accumulated  facts  that  we  already  possess,  in 
census  and  other  statistical  reports,  and  in  the  testi- 
monies (documentary  and  other)  of  personal  observers, 
are  abundant  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  fairly  complete 
analysis  and  classification  of  social  phenomena. 

We  can  distinguish  the  minor  from  the  major  resemblances,  and 
therefore  distinguish  the  great,  inclusive  groupings,  from  the  smaller, 
subordinate,  included  groupings.  We  can  distinguish  the  essential 
resemblances  of  correlation  and  interdependence  from  the  super- 
ficial resemblances  of  circumstance,  and  from  the  chance  resem- 
blances of  merely  accidental  association  in  time  or  in  place. 

We  have,  in  short,  materials  for  a  Structural  Sociology 
—  a  descriptive  Social  Anatomy. 

But  we  have  not,  as  yet,  an  abundance  of  sufficiently 
accurate  observations  for  extensive  and  delicate  inductions 
of  cause.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  make  use  of  our 
analyses  and  classifications  in  the  same  way  that  statis- 
ticians do,  as  schemes  of  inquiry  for  the  further  collection 
of  facts. 


30  Inductive  Sociology 

In  the  following  pages  the  attempt  is  made  to  present  a  classifi- 
cation of  social  facts,  which  seems  to  be  warranted  by  existing 
knowledge,  and  to  carry  it  out  into  tabular  schemes  of  further  in- 
ductive study,  which,  it  is  hoped,  may  in  time  lead  to  the  verification 
of  sociological  laws  already  formulated,  and  to  the  discovery  of 
others  not  yet  surmised. 

Tabular  Analysis 

In  the  following  pages  each  group  of  topics  or  titles 
which  is  marked  "  Table  "  contains  all  the  data  necessary 
to  enable  the  investigator  or  student  to  construct  in  out- 
line or  blank  form  the  table  which  should  be  filled  out 
with  the  results  of  his  inquiries. 

The  words  which  in  the  same  line  follow  the  word  "  Table  "  are 
the  title  or  heading  of  the  Table. 

The  words  or  topics  which  are  printed  below  the  table  heading, 
and  numbered  1,  2,  3,  etc.,  are  the  titles  or  headings  of  the  several 
columns  of  the  table.  Columns  should  be  numbered  from  left  to 
right. 

The  capital  letter  A,  M,  or  Y,  which  stands  before  a  column  head- 
ing, indicates  what  kind  of  information  the  column  is  to  be  filled 
with. 

A  stands  for  "Arithmetical  Value,"  and  means  that  the  column 
is  to  be  filled  with  figures  —  actual  quantitative  statistics. 

M  stands  for  "  Majority,"  or  "  Minority,"  and  indicates  that  the 
column  is  to  be  filled  with  majority  and  minority  symbols.  These 
symbols  are :  — 

Large  majority  (75  per  cent  or  more)  to  be  written  i^«,  or  .75  -1- ,  or  +  2  m 
Small  majority  (50  to  75  per  cent)  to  be  written  -|-,  or  .50  -f- ,  or  +  m 
Large  minority  (25  to  50  per  cent)  to  be  written  ®,  or  .25  +  ,  or  —  2  m 
Small  minority  (25  per  cent  or  less)  to  be  written    0,  or  .00  +  ,  or  —     m 

Y  stands  for  "  Yes  "  or  "  No,"  and  indicates  that  the  column  is  to 
be  filled  with  symbols  of  "  Yes  "  or  "  No  "  or  "  Uncertain."  These 
symbols  are :   Yes,  V ;  No,  A ;  Doubtful,  <  ;  or  Y,  N,  D. 

Besides  the  numbered  columns  a  blank  table  or  form  must  con- 
tain a  sufficiently  wide  space  for  entering  the  enumeration  units. 

Enumeration  units  are  the  parts  into  which  we  subdivide  the 
whole  social  group  under  investigation.     Thus,  if  we  are  studying 


The  Problems  of  Sociology  31 

the  United  States,  our  enumeration  units  may  be  the  several  com- 
monwealths. If  we  are  studying  a  single  commonwealth,  our 
enumeration  units  may  be  either  the  counties  or  the  towns  of  the 
state.  If  we  are  studying  a  city,  our  enumeration  units  may  be 
boroughs,  wards,  congressional  or  legislative  districts,  postal  dis- 
tricts, or  school  districts.  If  we  are  studying  a  town  or  township, 
our  enumeration  units  may  be  school  districts.  If  we  are  studying 
a  school  district,  a  ward,  or  a  village,  our  enumeration  units  may  be 
streets.  If  we  are  studying  a  street,  our  enumeration  units  may  be 
blocks  or  squares.  If  we  are  studying  a  block  or  other  subdivision 
of  a  street,  our  enumeration  units  may  be  households.  If  we  are 
studying  a  household,  our  enumeration  units  must  be  individuals. 

In  filling  out  a  table  after  the  blank  form  has  been  properly  con- 
structed, begin  by  entering  the  names  of  the  enumeration  units  of 
the  investigation  in  the  left-hand  space  of  the  table.  Then,  in  the 
columns,  proceeding  from  left  to  right,  enter  for  each  enumeration 
unit  in  each  column  the  information  called  for  at  the  head  of  the 
column. 

The  entering  of  arithmetical  values,  when  they  can  be  obtained, 
and  of  the  symbols  of  Yes  or  No  or  Uncertain  requires  no  further 
explanation. 

The  term  "majority,"  large  or  small,  should  always  be  understood 
to  mean  a  majority  of  the  individuals  composing  the  particular 
enumeration  unit  under  consideration.  In  like  manner,  the  term 
"  minority,"  large  or  small,  should  be  understood  to  mean  a  minority 
of  the  individuals  composing  the  particular  enumeration  unit  under 
consideration. 

If  the  enumeration  unit  is  a  household  too  small  for  convenient 
subdivision  into  proportions,  the  adults  may  arbitrarily  be  considered 
as  constituting  a  majority;  but  when  such  procedure  has  been  re- 
sorted to  the  fact  should  be  mentioned  in  the  investigator's  report. 

If  the  enumeration  unit  is  a  household  of  only  two  persons,  one 
(and  only  one)  of  whom  is  a  voter  or  an  income  earner,  the  voter  or 
the  income  earner  may  arbitrarily  be  considered  a  majority,  but  such 
procedure  must  be  mentioned  in  the  investigator's  report. 

No  trait  or  quality  of  mind,  or  of  character,  or  of  conduct,  should 
be  affirmed  of  any  majority  or  minority  unless  the  trait  or  quality  is 
exhibited  by  the  individuals  composing  the  majority  or  the  minority 
in  a  majority  of  their  frequently  repeated  acts. 

The  facts  themselves  from  which  these  inductions  of  class  —  of 
correlation  and  interdependence  —  are  drawn  are  not  recounted  in 


32  Inductive  Sociology 

these  pages.  To  recount  would  practically  be  to  reprint  volumes  of 
statistics,  of  laws,  and  of  historical  documents.  The  nature  of  the 
facts,  and  where  to  look  for  them,  are  suiB&ciently  indicated. 

No  statement  in  the  following  pages,  nor  any  single  feature  of 
arrangement,  subdivision,  or  subordination,  should  be  accepted  by 
the  student  as  final.  On  the  contrary,  every  statement,  including 
every  definition,  every  grouping,  and  every  formulation  of  law,  should 
be  taken  as  a  challenge  to  find  out  whether  it  is  true  or  false.  If,  in 
filling  out  the  tabular  schemes  here  offered,  investigators  discover 
facts  that  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  present  analysis,  the  analysis 
itself  must  be  modified  to  any  necessary  extent. 


BOOK   II 

THE  ELEMENTS  AND   STRUCTURE   OP  SOCIETY 


PAET   I 

THE   SOCIAL  POPULATION 

CHAPTEK   I 

Situation 

Distribution  of  Societies 

Natural  societies  are  found  only  where  the  physical  fea- 
tures of  land  and  climate  are  favourable  to  the  grouping 
of  living  beings  in  relatively  large  aggregations. 

Eather  more  than  half  of  the  land  surface  of  the  earth  is  unfa- 
vourable to  any  massing  of  population.  Mountain  ranges,  deserts, 
tropical  jungles,  and  the  intensely  cold  regions  of  the  Arctic  zones 
together  make  up  this  forbidding  part  of  the  world.  Natural  socie- 
ties flourish  where  soil  is  productive,  and  elevation  is  not  too  great 
an  obstacle  to  industry  and  communication,  and  where  climate  is 
endurable. 

The  Inhabitable  Areas 

The  inhabitable  areas  occupied  by  a  natural  society  that 
is  being  inductively  or  descriptively  studied  should  be 
examined  with  reference  to  the  natural  and  artificial  fea- 
tures named  below,  or  to  so  many  of  them  as  are  not  too 
detailed  for  the  purposes  of  the  investigation  undertaken. 

When  a  population  has  modified  its  environment  by  the  creation 
of  artificial  features,  these  may  influence  the  distribution  and  the 
activity  of  the  population  as  greatly  as  the  original  natural  features 
continue  to  do.  The  massing  of  population  at  any  given  point  is 
itself  a  condition  favourable  to  further  aggregation,  because  it  affords 
protection  to  individuals,  and  makes  possible  the  development  of 
those  forms  of  cooperation  which  most  rapidly  increase  wealth. 

35 


36 


Inductive  Sociology 


Natural  Features.  —  For  purposes  of  statistical  study- 
natural  features  may  conveniently  be  subdivided  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  designations  employed  in  the  Federal 
Census  Reports  of  the  United  States,  with  slight  modifica- 
tion and  rearrangement  to  make  them  adaptable  to  any 
continental  area. 

Table  I. — Natural  Features 


A  1. 

Mean  Elevation. 

Y 

9. 

Prairie  Region? 

A  2. 

Mean  Temperature. 

Y 

10. 

Great  Forest  Region? 

A  3. 

Extreme  Heat. 

Y 

11. 

Great  Lake  Region  ? 

A  4. 

Extreme  Cold. 

Y 

12. 

Interior  Plateau? 

A  5. 

Mean  Rainfall. 

Y 

13. 

Hill  Country? 

Y  6. 

Sea-level  Swamps? 

Y 

14. 

Mountainous  Country? 

Y  7. 

Coast-level  Plain? 

Y 

15. 

Upland  Swamps  ? 

Y  8. 

Interior  Alluvial  Region? 

Y 

16. 

Upland  Valleys? 

For  general  information  on  the  inhabitable  areas  of  the  United  States  consult 
Mills'  "International  Geography,"  Shaler's  "The  United  States,"  and  the 
Federal  Census.  For  more  detailed  information  consult  the  Reports  and 
Maps  of  the  Coast  Survey,  of  the  Geological  Survey,  of  the  Land  Office,  of  the 
Weather  Bureau,  and  of  other  bureaus  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture. 

Artificial  Features.  —  ArtiJ&cial  features  may  be  studied 
under  the  subdivisions  Country  Roads,  City  Streets,  and 
more  minutely  under  the  designations  Farms  and  Dwellings. 


Table  IL- 

-Country  Roads 

A 

1. 

Kailroad  Station. 

A 

14. 

Summer  Residence. 

A 

2. 

Telegraph  Office. 

A 

15. 

Farmhouse,  high  grade. 

A 

3. 

Post-office. 

A 

16. 

Farmhouse,     mediui 

A 

4. 

Hotel. 

grade. 

A 

6. 

Store. 

A 

17. 

Farmhouse,  low  grade. 

A 

6. 

Mill  or  Factory. 

A 

18. 

Labourer's  House. 

A 

7. 

Church. 

A 

19. 

Tenement. 

A 

8. 

Parsonage  or  Kectory. 

A 

20. 

Deserted  House. 

A 

9. 

Cemetery. 

A 

21. 

Cellar  of  Former  House. 

A 

10. 

School. 

A 

22. 

Almshouse. 

A 

11. 

Library. 

A 

23. 

Jail. 

A 

12. 

Casino  or  Club. 

A 

24. 

Courthouse. 

A 

13. 

Saloon. 

Situation 


37 


Other  columns  may  be  added  for  objects  found  in  the  investigation,  and  not 
here  named. 

In  the  systematic  description  of  a  country  road  by  the  method  of  tabulation, 
enter  in  its  proper  column  the  distance  in  miles,  rods,  or  yards  of  the  object 
named  at  the  head  of  the  column  from  some  given  starting-point,  proceeding 
from  north  to  south  or  from  east  to  west. 


Table  III. — City  Streets 


A     1. 

Railroad  Station. 

A  20. 

A     2. 

Telegraph  Office. 

A  21. 

A     3. 

Post-office. 

A  22. 

A     4. 

Express  Office. 

A  23. 

A     5. 

Mill,  Factory,  or  Shop. 

A  24. 

A     6. 

Store. 

A     7. 

Trade  Union  Headquar- 
ters. 

A  25. 

A     8. 

Employment  Bureau. 

A  2Q. 

A     9. 

Hotel. 

A  27. 

A  10. 

Restaurant. 

A  28. 

A  11. 

Cafe. 

A  29. 

A  12. 

Saloon. 

A  30. 

A  13. 

Concert  Hall. 

A  31. 

A  14. 

Theatre. 

A  32. 

A  15. 

Assembly  Hall. 

A  33. 

A  16. 

Social  Settlement. 

A  34. 

A  17. 

Church. 

A  35. 

A  18. 

Parish  House. 

A  36. 

A  19. 

Parsonage  or  Rectory. 

Other  columns  may  be  added  for  objects  found 

here  named. 

Under  each  column  enter  the  street  number  of 

of  the  column. 

Mission. 

Hospital. 

Dispensary. 

Day  Nursery. 

Almshouse,  Home  for 
Aged. 

Asylum  or  other  Chari- 
table Institution. 

School. 

Library. 

Club. 

Political  Headquarters. 

Police  Station. 

Court  or  Prison. 

Fire  Engine  House. 

Professional  Office. 

Private  House. 

Apartment  House. 

Tenement. 

in  the  investigation,  and  not 
the  object  named  at  the  head 


A  1.  Area  in  Acres. 
A  2.  Value  of  Land. 
A  3.   Value  of  House. 


Table  IV. — Farms 


A  4.   Value  of  Farm  Buildings. 
Y  5.   Approved     Sanitary     Ar- 
rangements ? 


Table  V.  —  Detached  Dwellings. 
A  1.   Area  of  Land  in  Acres.  A  3.   Value  of  House. 

A  2.   Value  of  Land.  Y  4.   Approved     Sanitary 

rangements  ? 


Ar- 


38  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  VI.  —  City  Houses 

A  1.   Value.  Y  2.   Approved     Sanitary     Ar- 

rangements ? 

Table  VII. — Apartments,  Flats,  Tenements 

A  1.   What  Floor  from  Ground.      Y  5.   Approved  Safeguards 
A  2.    Floor  Area.  against  Fire  ? 

A  3.   Number  of  Rooms.  Y  6.   Approved    Provision    for 

Y  4.   Approved  Fire  Resistance  Light  and  Air  ? 

Construction?  Y   7.   Approved     Sanitary     Ar- 

rangements ? 

Primary  and  Secondary  Sources  of  Subsistence 

The  strictly  primitive  means  of  subsistence  are  edible 
fruits,  grains,  nuts,  roots,  fish,  and  game  in  their  natural 
state. 

Human  beings  unacquainted  with  the  arts  of  agriculture  and 
manufacture  can  live  only  where  these  strictly  natural  food  supplies, 
can  be  obtained.  In  civilized  communities  they  frequently  are  a  not 
unimportant  item  in  the  subsistence  of  the  rural  poor.  Secondary 
means  are  annual  crops  produced  by  a  more  or  less  systematic  agri- 
culture, artificial  stores  of  food,  and  annual  importations  of  food 
from  other  regions.  To  these  must  be  added  the  power  of  importa- 
tion enjoyed  by  communities  that  produce  other  commodities  which 
can  be  exchanged  for  food. 

For  information  upon  the  subsistence  resources  of  the  United  States  consult 
the  Reports  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  of  the  Bureau  of  Commerce  and 
Navigation,  and  of  the  Federal  Census, 

Table  VIII. — Natural  Food  Supplies,  Abundant 

Y  1.  Fruits?  Y  5.  Shell-fish? 

Y  2.  Nuts?  Y  6.  Fish? 

Y  3.  Grains?  Y  7.  Game? 

Y  4.  Roots? 

Adjectives  like  "  abundant "  must  always  be  referred  to  some  concrete  stand- 
ard. For  the  purpose  of  this  table  interpret  the  word  "abundant"  to  mean 
approximately  the  abundance  of  natural  products  in  the  most  productive  regions 
of  the  United  States  at  the  time  of  settlement  by  whites,  as  described  by  the 


Situation  39 

earliest  writers.  In  like  manner  the  opposite  of  abundance  may  approximately 
be  measured  by  the  scant  production  of  regions  like  the  Arid  Belt  before 
irrigation. 

Table  IX. — Annual  Crops,  Value 

A  1.  Fruits.  A  5.  Shell-fish  and  Fish. 

A  2.  Nuts.  A  6.  Meats. 

A  3.  Grains.  A  7.  Dairy  Products. 

A  4.  Eoots.  A  8.  Eggs. 

In  this  table,  if  desired,  substitute  for  values  figures  of  quantity,  as  pounds 
or  bushels. 

Table  X.  —  Other  Secondary  Sources,  Value 

A  1.   Artificial  Stores  of  Food.  A  3.   Power  of  Importation. 

A  2.   Annual  Importations  of  Food. 

In  this  table,  if  desired,  substitute  for  values  figures  of  quantity. 


CHAPTER  II 

Aggregation 

The  Fact  of  Aggregation 

Because  some  regions  and  some  minor  areas  are  better 
adapted  than  others  to  maintain  a  population,  population 
everywhere  shows  a  tendency  to  gather  about  certain 
points  or  centres.  This  phenomenon  of  the  physical  con- 
centration of  population  we  may  call  Aggregation. 

Tlie  Inhabiting  Species 

Aggregation  is  seen  not  only  in  the  distribution  of 
human  life,  but  also  in  the  distribution  of  vegetal  and 
animal  species. 

It  is,  in  fact,  the  extent  of  vegetal  and  animal  aggregation  that 
largely  determines  the  extent  of  human  aggregation.  Human  aggre- 
gation within  historical  periods  has  greatly  been  affected  by  pre- 
historic aggregations,  and  further,  to  a  great  extent,  the  aggregation 
of  civilized  men  has  been  affected  by  the  aggregations  of  barbarians 
and  savages.  A  complete  inductive  study  of  aggregation,  therefore, 
must  include  observations  of  aggregation  in  all  the  inhabiting  species 
of  the  region  under  examination  and  in  all  the  stages  of  human 
culture. 

For  information  on  the  distribution  of  inhabiting  species  in  the  United  States, 
consult  Reports  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution, 
and  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ;  Memoirs  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural 
History,  and  of  the  Peabody  Museum ;  the  Federal  Census,  and  the  census 
reports  of  the  various  states. 

Table  XI. — Vegetal  Life 

Y  1.   Number  of  Species,  Great?    Y  2.   Total  Abundance,  Great? 

Interpret  the  word  "great"  according  to  instructions  for  the  word  "abun- 
dant" under  Table  VIII. 

40 


Aggregation  41 

Table  XII. — Animal  Life 
Columns  as  in  Table  XI. 

Table  XIII. — Human  Life 

Y  1.   Prehistoric  Inhabitants,  Nu-      Y    3.    Barbarians     surviving, 

merous  ?  Any  ? 

Y  2.   Savages  surviving,  Any  ?  A  4.    Civilized,  Number. 
Interpret  the  word  "numerous"  to  mean  numerous  as  compared  with  the 

prehistoric  inhabitants  of  those  regions  that  seem  to  have  been  most  densely 
populated,  as  the  St^  Lawrence  valley  and  the  Mohawk  valley  in  the  East,  or 
the  Colorado  valley  in  the  Southwest. 

Density 

The  measure  of  human  aggregation  at  any  given  time 
and  place  is  density  of  population.  Density  is  statistically 
expressed  as  the  total  number  of  human  inhabitants 
dwelling  within  a  given  area;  or,  as  the  number  per 
square  mile,  so  dwelling;  or,  sometimes,  in  cities,  as  the 
number  per  acre,  so  dwelling. 

Table  XIV. — Degree  of  Density 

A  1.   Total  Human  Inhabitants. 
A   2.   Human  Inhabitants  per  Square  Mile. 
For  information  on  the  density  of  population  in  the  United  States  consult 
Federal  and  State  Census  Reports. 

Multiplication 

Density  is  determined  in  part,  but  only  in  part,  by  the 
natural  multiplication  of  human  beings. 

Multiplication  is  statistically  ascertained  by  comparisons 
of  total  births  with  total  deaths  for  a  given  period,  or  by 
comparisons  of  birth  rates  with  death  rates. 

A  birth  rate  is  the  number  of  births  annually  per  one 
thousand  of  the  population. 

A  refined  birth  rate  is  the  number  of  births  annually 
per  one  thousand  married  women  between  the  age  limits 
of  fifteen  and  fifty  years. 


42  Inductive  Sociology 

A  death  rate  is  the  number  of  deaths  annually  per  one 
thousand  of  the  population. 

Table  XV. — Rates  of  Multiplication 

A  1.   Total  Annual  Births.  A  3.   Total  Annual  Deaths. 

A  2.   Birth  Rates.  A  4.   Death  Rates. 

See  Mayo-Smith's  *'  Statistics  and  Sociology,"  Book  I,  Chapters  v  and  vii. 
For  statistics  of  births  and  deaths  in  the  United  States  consult  Federal  and  State 
Census  Reports,  Reports  of  State  Boards  of  Health,  and  Reports  of  City  Bureaus 
of  Vital  Statistics. 

Genetic  Aggregation 

Everyday  observation  shows  us  that  there  are  two 
ways  in  which  populations  increase.  One  is  by  the  birth 
of  new  individuals,  the  other  is  by  immigration  from 
populations  dwelling  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  The 
first  way,  if  birth  rates  exceed  death  rates,  increases  the 
total  population  of  the  world.  The  second  method  merely 
redistributes  it,  increasing  some  populations  at  the  expense 
of  others. 

A  population  reproduced  by  its  birth  rate  irrespective  of 
immigration  may  be  called  a  Genetic  Aggregation.  More 
strictly  defined,  a  genetic  aggregation  is  a  group  of 
kindred  individuals  that  have  lived  together  in  one  locality 
from  their  birth. 

The  smallest  genetic  aggregation  is  merely  a  natural  family  com- 
posed of  parents  and  their  children  of  the  first  generation.  A  larger 
genetic  group  is  an  aggregation  of  two  or  three  generations  of 
descendants  of  a  single  pair.  On  a  scale  yet  larger  and  more  com- 
plex, the  genetic  group  is  an  aggregation  of  families  that  may  have 
been  related  or  not  at  some  former  time,  but  that  are  now  un- 
doubtedly of  one  blood  through  marrying  in  and  in. 

Assuming  that  a  population  receives  no  accessions  by 
immigration  and  loses  none  by  emigration,  its  total  num- 
ber at  the  end  of  any  given  period  must  of  course  equal 


Aggregation  43 

its  number  at  the  beginning  of  the  period  plus  the  total 
excess  of  births  over  deaths  for  the  entire  period.  In 
English-speaking  populations  the  average  duration  of 
human  life  is  forty-one  years.  If,  then,  we  suppose  a 
population  to  be  increased  by  births  but  not  by  immigra- 
tion for  forty-one  years,  it  will  normally  at  the  end  of 
that  time  be  a  pure  genetic  aggregation,  because,  in  the 
average  case,  the  forty-one-year  period  suffices  for  the 
elimination  of.  any  inhabitants  living  in  the  community 
from  the  beginning  of  the  period  who  may  have  come  into 
the  community  by  immigration  instead  of  by  birth.  The 
few  individuals  of  this  description  that,  in  particular  in- 
stances, survive  from  an  earlier  period,  are  a  negligible 
quantity  for  purposes  of  statistical  comparison. 

Therefore,  the  maximum  or  greatest  possible  genetic 
aggregation  of  any  community  (village,  city,  county,  state) 
equals  the  population  of  the  community  at  the  beginning 
of  a  forty-one-year  period  plus  the  total  excess  of  births 
over  deaths  in  that  community  for  forty-one  years.  This 
number  may  be  called  the  Potential  Genetic  Aggregation 
of  the  community. 

The  potential  genetic  aggregation  is  always  in  fact  greater  than 
the  actual  genetic  aggregation  because  some  individuals  born  within 
the  forty-one-year  period  and  counted  in  the  excess  of  births  over 
deaths  have  moved  out  of  the  community ;  and  other  individuals,  born 
within  the  forty-one-year  period  and  counted  in  the  excess  of  births 
over  deaths,  are  descended  from  immigrants  who  have  intermarried 
with  immigrants  rather  than  with  the  original  stock. 

Much  larger  also  than  the  true  genetic  aggregation  is,  usually,  the 
number  of  the  "native  born."  This  term  as  used  in  American  sta- 
tistical publications  means  born  within  the  United  States.  The 
statistical  quantity,  "the  native  born  of  native  parents,"  approxi- 
mately equals  the  total  genetic  aggregation  in  the  entire  population 
of  the  United  States.  But  in  any  subdivision  of  the  United  States, 
for  example,  the  city  of  New  York,  the  native  born  there  enumerated 
have  not  all  been  born  within  the  city  itself. 


44  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  XVI. — Measure  of  Genetic  Aggregation 

A  1.  Potential:  Population  of  the  Community  at  Beginning  of 
Forty-one-year  Period  plus  Total  Excess  of  Births  over  Deaths  for 
Forty-one  Years. 

A  2.   The  Native  Born. 

A  3.   The  Native  Born  of  Native  Parents. 

Data  for  the  study  of  genetic  aggregation  in  the  United  States  are  obtained 
from  the  same  sources  of  information  that  were  mentioned  under  Multiplication. 

Migration 

Aggregation  and  the  degree  of  density  are  continually 
changing,  not  only  because  of  births  and  deaths,  but  also 
in  consequence  of  migration. 

Migration  is  statistically  expressed  in  figures  of  emigra- 
tion,—  a  movement  of  inhabitants  out  of  a  given  commu- 
nity—  or  of  immigration — a  movement  of  inhabitants  into 
a  given  community. 

Table  XVII. — Emigration 
A  1.  To  Other  Enumeration  Units.         A  2.   To  Foreign  Lands. 

Table  XVIII.  —  Immigration 

A  1.   From  Other  Enumeration  Units.    A   2.    From  Foreign  Lands. 

Statistics  of  immigration  into  the  United  States  are  found  in  the  Reports  of 
the  Bureau  of  Immigration  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  in  the  Federal 
Census.  Imperfect  statistics  of  interstate  migration  are  found  in  the  Federal 
and  State  Census  Reports ;  and  the  latter  occasionally  give  imperfect  statistics 
of  intercounty  or  intertownship  migration. 

Congregation 

The  growth  of  a  population  by  immigration  is  a  process 
of  Congregation,  and  it  may  be  called  by  that  name  to 
distinguish  it  from  genetic  aggregation.  It  is  a  gathering 
in  one  place  or  area  of  individuals  from  many  other  places 
or  even  from  remote  parts  of  the  world,  who  are  attracted 
by  the  resources  or  other  opportunities  of  a  new  home. 


Aggregation  45- 

If  the  potential  genetic  aggregation  of  any  community 
be  subtracted  from  the  total  population  of  the  community, 
the  remainder  is  certainly  attributable  to  congregation. 
It  is,  however,  less  than  the  true  or  actual  congregation, 
because  potential  exceeds  true  genetic  aggregation.  The 
imperfect  arithmetical  expression  for  congregation  so 
obtained  may  be  called  the  Minimum  Congregation. 

Much  less  also  than  the  true  congregation  is,  usually,  the  number 
of  the  "  foreign  born."  This  term,  as  used  in  American  statistical 
publications,  means  those  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  who  were 
born  in  other  countries.  The  total  number  of  the  foreign  born  plus 
the  native  born  of  foreign  parents  is  approximately  equal  to  the  total 
congregation  in  the  entire  population  of  the  United  States.  But  in 
any  particular  subdivision  of  the  United  States  the  congregation 
includes,  in  addition  to  the  foreign  born,  inhabitants  bom  in  other 
parts  of  the  country. 

Table  XIX. — Measure  op  Congregation 

A  1.   Minimum  Congregation:  Excess  of  Actual  Population  over 
Potential  Genetic  Aggregation. 
A   2.    The  Foreign  Born. 
A  3.   The  Native  Born  of  Foreign  Parents. 

Causes  of  Aggregation 

The  proximate  causes  of  aggregation  in  any  place  are 
found  in  the  normal  fecundity  of  the  native  population, 
which  gives  an  excess  of  births  over  deaths,  and  in  the- 
life  opportunities  which  attract  immigration. 

Table  XX. — Proximate  Causes  op  Aggregation 

M  1.  Fecundity :  Excess  of  Births  over  Deaths :  Proportion  of 
Aggregate  directly  attributable  to. 

M  2.  Life  Opportunities:  Proportion  of  Aggregate  directly 
attributable  to. 

M  (1).  Agricultural  Fertility.      M   (4).  Commercial   Opportunities. 
M  (2).  Fisheries.  M  (5).  Manufacturing    Opportuni- 

M  (3).  Mineral  Wealth.  ties. 


r 


CHAPTER  III 

Demotic  Composition 

Variation  and  Mixture 


Genetic  aggregation  is  complicated  by  variation,  which 
is  a  mark  of  all  organic  evolution.  For  this  reason,  and 
also  because  genetic  aggregation  is  practically  never  the 
only  way  in  which  a  population  grows,  a  population  is 
always  a  mixture  and  composition  of  elements  that  are 
more  or  less  unlike. 

This  proposition  is  not  in  contradiction  of  the  statement  pre- 
viously made,  that  a  social  population  is  composed  of  individuals 
in  many  respects  alike.  Likeness  and  unlikeness  are  facts  of 
degree.  Moreover,  individuals  may  be  alike  in  some  respects  and 
unlike  in  others.  Some  of  the  resemblances  and  differences  that 
may  be  observed  in  a  population  are  physical,  others  are  mental 
and  moral. 

The  physical  differences  that  may  be  observed  in  every 
population  are  the  following,  namely:  (1)  Organic  Varia- 
tion, (2)  Differences  of  Age,  (3)  the  Difference  of  Sex, 
and  (4)  the  Degrees  of  Kinship. 

In  all  great  modern  populations  the  degrees  of  kinship 
include  differences  of  nationality,  and  often  differences  of 
colour.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States. 

The  intermingling  of  elements  unlike  in  organic  con- 
stitution, in  age,  and  in  sex,  and  of  elements  bred  of 
different  parent  stocks  and  having  therefore  unlike  quali- 
ties and  habits,  may  be  called  the  Demotic  Composition. 

46 


Demotic  Composition  47 

The  word  "  demotic  "  means  pertaining  to  the  demos,  the  Greek 
word  for  people.  The  demotic  composition,  therefore,  is  the  admix- 
ture of  various  elements,  of  organic  nature,  age,  sex,  and  kinship,  in 
a  people  or  population. 

Organic  Variation 

No  two  individuals  are  born  with  equal  endowments  of  ~*^^ 
strength  and  vitality.  No  two  attain  the  same  weight  J 
and  stature.  No  two  have  the  same  suppleness  of  body, 
the  same  amount  of  energy,  or  the  same  desire  for  physi- 
cal activity.  These  differences,  not  to  mention  differences 
of  mental  and  moral  endowment  to  be  considered  later 
on,  are  the  basis  of  many  groupings  and  stratifications  of 
men  in  the  industrial,  military,  and  political  activities  of 
society. 

Table  XXI.  —  Amount  of  Organic  Variation 

Y  1.   Frequent  Occurrence  ?  Y  2.   Wide  Range  ? 

*' Frequent"  and  "wide"  are  terms  of  relative  meaning,  and  must  be 
referred  by  the  investigator  to  some  concrete  standard,  cf.  Tables  VIII,  XI,  and 
XIII. 

Age 

The  familiar  distinctions  of  age  in  a  social  population 
are  those  designated  by  the  terms  "  infancy,"  "  childhood," 
"  youth,"  "  maturity  "  or  "  adult  manhood,"  and  "  old 
age."  These  roughly  correspond  to  the  periods  from  birth 
to  five  years,  five  to  fifteen  years,  fifteen  to  twenty-one 
years,  twenty-one  to  sixty  years,  sixty  years  and  over. 

These  periods  are  the  basis  of  many  social  distinctions  and  of 
practical  groupings  for  purposes  of  cooperation.  They  respectively 
correspond  to  the  years  of  education,  of  industrial  and  political 
activity,  and  of  retirement  from  active  life.  If  the  six  periods  are 
reduced  to  three  by  combining  the  first  three  into  one,  they  roughly 
correspond  to  the  three  generations  commonly  found  in  the  family 
group. 


48  Inductive  Sociology 

In  statistical  descriptions  of  population,  for  example,  in  the 
Federal  Census  of  the  United  States,  the  classification  by  age 
periods  is  minutely  carried  out.  The  number  of  infants  under 
one  year  of  age  is  ascertained,  the  number  of  children  under  five, 
and  then  the  number  of  individuals  in  each  five-year  period  up  to 
one  hundred  years  of  age. 

Sex 

Next  to  the  more  striking  differences  of  age,  those, 
namely,  between  childhood  and  manhood,  or  between 
maturity  and  old  age,  the  most  important  difference  is 
that  of  sex. 

Statistics  of  population  show  in  all  communities  an 
approximate  balance  of  the  sexes,  but  seldom  equal  num- 
bers of  males  and  females.  In  one  region  males  predomi- 
nate, in  another  females.  This  difference  is  partly  due 
to  the  greater  migration  of  men  into  relatively  new  and 
undeveloped  regions,  but  it  is  also  partly  due  to  differ- 
ences of  male  and  female  birth  rates,  the  causes  of  which 
are  not  yet  perfectly  understood. 

All  social  phenomena  admit  of  instructive  comparisons  based  on 
the  distinction  of  sex.  Thus  the  different  industrial  occupations 
show  varying  proportions  of  men  and  women  engaged  therein. 
Educational  and  moral  statistics,  statistics  of  crime  and  pauperism, 
religious  statistics,  all  show  unequal  distributions  of  men  and 
women  in  respect  of  these  matters. 

Table  XXII.  —  Age  and  Sex:     Males 

A  1.   Under  One  Year.  A  2.   Over  One  Year  and  under  Five» 

A  3.   Five  Years  to  Nine. 
Proceeding  thus  by  five-year  periods,  add  further  columns  up  to  the  designa- 
tion, one  hundred  years  and  over. 

Table  XXIII.  —  Age  and  Sex:    Females 

A  1.    Under  One  Year.  A  2.   Over  One  Year  and  under  Five. 

A  3.   Five  Years  to  Nine. 
Information  on  the  distribution  of  population  by  age  and  sex  in  the  United 
States  is  found  in  the  Federal  and  State  Census  Reports. 


Demotic  Composition  49 

Kinship 

A  third  and  more  complex  mode  of  physical  difference  and 
resemblance  is  that  which  we  call  kinship.  This  is  the  phys- 
ical relationship  that  is  based  upon  community  of  blood. 

Everywhere  in  the  world  kinship  and  the  mingling  of  non-kin- 
dred elements  play  an  extremely  important  part  in  social  affairs. 
Men  of  the  same  colour  have  common  prejudices,  men  of  the  same 
nationality  in  a  still  stronger  degree  are  drawn  together,  and  in  a 
degree  yet  stronger  men  of  the  same  family  lineage  show  sympathies 
and  common  prejudices  that  play  a  part  in  all  the  affairs  of  their 
everyday  life. 

There  are  nine  degrees  or  subdivisions  of  kinship  that 
may  be  observed  in  the  total  human  population  of  the 
earth,  and  that  have  importance  for  social  theory.  No 
less  than  eight  of  these  are  commonly  found  in  the  popu- 
lation of  each  nation.  The  nine  degrees  are  conveniently 
designated  by  the  following  names  and  symbols  :  (1)  Con- 
sanguinity, Ki ;  (2)  Propinquity,  K2 ;  (3)  Nationality,  K3 ; 
(4)  Potential  Nationality,  K4;  (5)  Ethnic  Race,  K5; 
(6)  Glottic  Race,  K^;  (7)  Chromatic  Race,  K7;  (8)  Ce- 
phalic Race,  Kg ;  (9)  Humanity,  Kg.^ 

Consanguinity.  —  Consanguinity  is  that  narrowest  de- 
gree of  kinship  which  includes  those  who  are  most  nearly- 
related,  as  father,  mother,  and  children,  brother  and  sister,, 
grandparents  and  grandchildren,  uncles  and  aunts,  neph- 
ews, nieces,  and  cousins. 

Table  XXIV.  —  Distribution  of  Consanguinity 
A  1.   To  how  Many  Other  Enumeration  Units  related. 

2.   To  what  Other  Enumeration  Units  related.     (Make  out  list 

of  names.) 
1  This  analysis  of  kinship  and  a  proposition  to  give  definiteness  of  meaning 
to  the  term  "  race  "  was  first  presented  in  a  paper  by  the  author  read  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Section  on  Anthropology  and  Psychology  of  the  New  York  Academy 
of  Sciences  on  March  25,  1901,  and  published  in  Science^  New  Series,  Vol.  XIII, 
No.  330,  April  26,  1901,  pp.  662,  663. 


50  Inductive  Sociology 

Propinquity.  —  Propinquity  is  a  kinship  one  degree 
more  remote  than  consanguinity  german. 

In  the  primary  meaning  of  the  word,  "  propinquity  "  is  nearness  in 
place,  proximity,  a  living  together  in  the  same  neighbourhood  or 
local  region.  A  secondary  meaning  is  nearness  of  blood.  The  word 
is  thus  perfectly  descriptive  of  the  sociological  fact  with  which  we 
are  here  concerned.  Propinquity  of  residence  always  has  among  its 
consequences  numerous  intermarriages  of  those  who  dwell  together 
in  one  neighbourhood ;  and,  in  the  course  of  generations,  families  so 
placed  become  interrelated  in  blood.  The  community  becomes  one 
of  more  or  less  distant  consanguini. 

Table  XXV.  —  Distribution  of  Propinquity 

A   1.   To  how  Many  Other  Enumeration  Units  adjacent. 

2.   To  what  Other  Enumeration  Units  adjacent  and  connected  by 
Intermarriage.     (Make  out  list  of  names.) 

Nationality.  —  Nationality  is  the  degree  of  kinship 
which  includes  all  those  who  from  birth  have  been  of  the 
same  speech  and  political  association. 

Examples  are  all  Englishmen  born  and  brought  up  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  England,  all  Frenchmen  born  and  brought  up  under  the 
government  of  France,  all  Germans  born  and  brought  up  under  the 
government  of  Germany,  all  Italians  born  and  brought  up  under 
the  government  of  Italy,  all  Americans  born  and  brought  up  under 
the  government  of  the  United  States. 


Table  XXVI. 

,  —  Distribution  of 

Nationality 

A  1. 

English. 

A   5.   Austrian. 

A     9.   Kussian. 

A  2. 

Scotch. 

A   6.   Norwegian. 

A  10.   French. 

A  3. 

Irish. 

A   7.    Swedish. 

A   11.    Spanish. 

A  4. 

German. 

A  8.   Italian. 

A   12.    Dutch. 

Add  columns  for  other  nationalities  for  which  data  are  given  by  the  Federal 
Census. 

Potential  Nationality.  —  This  is  the  remote  relationship, 
which  exists  while  nationality  is  still  in  the  making,  of 
those  who  dwell  together  in  the  same  nation  or  state  and 
will  presently  speak  the  same  language. 


Demotic  Composition  61 

For  example,  here  in  the  United  States  we  have  in  our  population 
elements  which  the  census  distinguishes  as  the  native  born  of  native 
parents,  the  native  born  of  foreign  parents,  and  the  foreign  born. 
We  call  all  these  elements  American  citizens,  but  they  are  not  yet 
all  fused  in  a  common  nationality.  The  native  born  are  more  or 
less  closely  related  by  intermarriages  for  generations.  In  time  their 
descendants,  the  descendants  of  the  native  born  of  foreign  parents, 
and  descendants  of  the  foreign  born,  will  have  intermarried,  and  the 
American  people  will  constitute  a  true  nationality.  These  three 
elements,  then,  the  native  born  of  native  parents,  the  native  born  of 
foreign  parents,  and  the  foreign  born,  stand  in  that  degree  of  rela- 
tionship which  may  be  called  potential  nationality. 

Table  XXVII.  —  Distribution  of  Potential  Nationality 

A  1.   Native    Born    of    Native     A  2.   Native   Born    of    Foreign 
Parents.  Parents. 

A  3.   Foreign  Born. 

Ethnic  Race.  —  The  ethnic  race  is  that  degree  of  kin- 
ship which  includes  all  of  those  nearly  related  nationalities 
which  speak  closely-related  languages,  and  exhibit  com- 
mon psychological  characteristics  distinguishing  them  col- 
lectively from  other  similar  great  divisions  of  mankind. 

Thus  we  recognize  the  Irish,  the  Welsh,  the  non-Saxon  Scotch, 
and  a  portion  of  the  population  of  Brittany  as  belonging  to  the 
Celtic  race.  These  different  nationalities  speak  different  but 
closely  related  languages,  and,  although  for  generations  they  have 
been  under  different  political  influences,  they  manifest  common 
traits  of  mind  and  of  character,  which  distinguish  the  Celt  the  world 
over  from  the  Teuton  and  from  the  Latin.  In  like  manner,  the 
Saxon-English,  the  Dutch,  the  Germans,  and  the  Scandinavians  are 
related  nationalities,  all  belonging  to  the  Teutonic  ethnic  race,  which 
has  marked  psychological  characteristics,  and  which  once  had  one 
common  language. 

The  ethnic  race  is  one  of  four  degrees  of  kinship,  each  of  which 
is  designated  in  current  works  on  anthropology,  ethnology,  and 
philology  by  the  term  "race,''  which,  therefore,  has  come  to  have 
an  exceedingly  uncertain  meaning.  Thus  we  are  familiar  with  such 
terms  as  the   "white   race,"  the   "dolichocephalic  race,"  and  the 


62  Inductive  Sociology 

"  brachycephalic  race,"  all  of  which  mark  physical  distinctions ;  with 
such  terms  as  the  "  Semitic  race,"  and  the  "  Aryan  race,"  both  of 
which  refer  to  glottic  rather  than  to  anatomical  characteristics ;  and 
with  such  terms  as  the  " Graeco-Latin,"  the  "Teutonic,"  and  the 
*'  Celtic  "  races,  which  mean  not  only  differences  of  language  within 
the  great  Aryan  group,  but  also  great  psychological  differences  that 
are  even  more  pronounced  than  the  lingual.  The  only  way  to  escape 
from  the  confusion  is  to  adopt  compound  terms,  in  which  the  word 
"race,"  combined  with  a  descriptive  adjective,  shall  in  each  case 
have  a  precise  meaning.     That  plan  is  here  adopted. 

Table  XXVIII. — Distribution  op  Ethnic  Race 


A  1.  Teutonic. 

A  3. 

Celto-Latin. 

A  6.   Semitic. 

A  2.   Celtic. 

A  4. 

Ibero-Latin. 

A  7.  All  others. 

A  6. 

Slavonic. 

To  ascertain  the  number  of  persons  of  any  ethnic  race  in  the  population  find 
the  sum  of  the  numbers  of  the  nationalities  composing  the  ethnic  race.  For 
example,  for  the  Celtic  ethnic  race  add  the  Irish,  the  Scotch,  and  the  Welsh. 
The  Celto-Latins  include  the  French,  the  Belgians,  and  the  French  Canadians. 
The  Ibero-Latins  include  the  Italians,  the  Spaniards,  and  the  Spanish-speaking 
peoples  of  America.  For  full  information  upon  ethnic  distinctions  among  the 
European  peoples,  consult  Ripley,  "The  Races  of  Europe." 

Glottic  Race.  —  The  glottic  race  is  a  yet  broader  kin- 
ship, which  includes  all  those  related  ethnic  races  or  parts 
of  ethnic  races  which  once  at  some  remote  period  had  a 
common  culture  and  spoke  the  same  language. 

Philologists  tell  us  that  the  Teutons,  the  Celts,  the  Latins,  and 
the  Greeks,  the  Slavs,  some  of  the  people  of  Persia,  and  some  of  the 
people  of  India,  speak  languages  that  sprang  from  a  common  Aryan 
tongue.  And  while  we  cannot  argue  that  relationship  in  speech 
means  an  equal  degree  of  relationship  in  blood,  —  because,  over  and 
over  in  history,  peoples  most  remotely  related  have,  through  con- 
quest or  migration,  come  to  speak  the  same  tongue, — yet  even  in 
such  cases  there  is  presently  much  intermarriage.  Consequently  we 
may  be  sure  that  people  speaking  languages  of  common  origin  are  in 
a  remote  degree  related  in  blood. 

Table  XXIX.  —  Distribution  of  Glottic  Race 
A  1.   Aryan.  A  2.   Non-Aryan. 


Demotic  Composition  53 

Chromatic  Race.  —  Chromatic  race  is  that  remote  degree 
of  relationship  which  includes  all  glottic  races  of  the  same 
general  colour  of  the  skin  and  type  of  hair. 

Thus,  for  example,  the  white  chromatic  race  includes  such  glottic 
races  as  the  Semitic,  which  has  long  lived  to  the  southeast  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  the  Hamitic  (sometimes  called  the  Afro-Semitic) 
of  ancient  Egypt  and  Phoenicia,  and  the  Aryan  of  Europe. 

Other  chromatic  races  are  the  black  of  Africa,  the  yellow  of  Asia, 
the  red  of  America,  and  the  brown  of  Oceanica. 

Table  XXX. — Distribution  of  Chromatic  Race 

A  1.  White.  A  3.  Red.  A  4.  Brown. 

A  2.  Yellow.  A  5.  Black. 

The  respective  numbers  of  all  these  chromatic  races  in  the  population  of  the 
United  States  can  be  ascertained  from  the  Federal  Census,  which  gives  total 
whites,  total  blacks,  Chinese  and  Japanese  (yellow  race),  American  Indians 
(red  race),  Hawaiians,  Samoans,  and  Filipinos  (brown  race). 

Cephalic  Race.  —  This  is  a  yet  more  remote  kinship, 
which  is  manifested  in  peculiarities  of  cranial  structure. 

Some  men  are  long-headed  and  others  round-headed. 
The  distance  through  the  head  from  the  forehead  to  the 
back  of  the  skull  is  called  the  longitudinal  diameter. 
The  distance  through  from  side  to  side,  over  the  ears,  is 
called  the  transverse  diameter.  The  decimally  expressed 
ratio  of  the  transverse  to  the  longitudinal  diameter  is 
called  the  cephalic  index. 

A  broad  head,  called  brachycephalic,  is  one  with  a 
cephalic  index  of  eighty-one  or  more.  The  long  head  — 
index  less  than  seventy-nine  —  is  called  dolichocephalic. 
An  intermediate  type  is  called  mezzocephalic ;  but  a  better 
usage  is  to  distinguish  two  intermediate  types,  designating 
one  of  them  sub-dolichocephalic  (less  long-headed  than 
the  longest-headed  types),  and  the  other  sub-brachy- 
cephalic  (less  broad-headed  than  the  broadest-headed 
types). 


54  Inductive  Sociology 

In  the  population  of  Asia  the  broad  head  predominates;  in  the 
population  of  Africa  the  long  head  predominates.  It  is  possible 
that  there  were  originally  but  two  races  of  mankind :  one  uniting  a 
certain  head  form  with  a  certain  pigmentation  of  the  skin,  the  other 
uniting  a  different  head  form  with  another  pigmentation  of  the  skin; 
and  that  from  innumerable  crossings  of  these  types  all  the  cephalic, 
chromatic,  glottic,  and  ethnic  distinctions  now  existing  were  pro- 
duced.* 

The  white  population  of  Europe  is,  on  the  whole,  mezzocephalic, 
as  compared  with  the  African  black  and  the  Asiatic  yellow ;  but  in 
the  population  of  Europe,  nevertheless,  anthropologists  distinguish 
three  cephalic  races,  namely,  the  Baltic  (Homo-Europaeus),  the 
Alpine  (Homo-Alpinus),  and  the  Mediterranean  race.  The  Baltic 
race  is  characterized  by  a  head  long  rather  than  broad,  tall  stature, 
light  hair  and  complexion,  and  blue  eyes.  It  is  familiarly  known 
as  the  Scandinavian  or  Germanic  type.  The  Alpine  race  is  shorter 
in  stature,  its  head  is  broad  rather  than  long,  and  its  complexion  is 
relatively  dark.  It  is  familiarly  known  as  the  upland  French  or 
Swiss  type.  The  Mediterranean  race  is  relatively  short  in  stature, 
its  head  is  long  rather  than  broad,  its  complexion  is  very  dark, 
and  its  hair  and  eyes  are  black.  It  is  variously  known  as  the 
"  Neapolitan,"  "  Sicilian,"  or  "  Iberian  "  type. 

Table  XXXI.  —  Distribution  of  Cephalic  Race 

A  1.   Dolichocephalic.  A  3.    Sub-brachycephalic. 

A  2.   Sub-dolichocephalic.  A  4.   Brachycephalic. 

At  present  we  have  no  such  mass  of  data  concerning  the  distribution  of 
cephalic  races  in  the  United  States  as  that  which  has  been  accumulated  relative 
to  the  cephalic  races  of  Europe,  where  measurements  of  the  population  are  made 
for  military  purposes.  Numerous  measurements,  however,  of  school  children 
have  been  made  in  this  country.  Consult  the  anthropometric  writings  of  Pro- 
fessor Franz  Boas, 

Humanity,  —  This  is  that  widest  relationship,  which 
comprehends  mankind  of  all  races  —  the  hmnan  species. 

1  Cf.  "  The  Principles  of  Sociology,"  Book  III,  Chapter  ii. 


CHAPTER  IV 
Demotic  Unity 

Prevailing  Likeness 

We  now  return  to  the  assertion  that,  notwithstanding 
the  many  unlikenesses  in  a  social  population,  to  which 
attention  has  been  given,  a  population  is  on  the  whole 
characterized  by  the  likeness  rather  than  by  the  unlike- 
ness  of  its  elements. 

The  differences  of  age  and  of  sex  are,  of  course,  radical  and  per^ 
sistent.     All  other  physical  differences  tend  to  disappear. 

Amalgamation 

Amalgamation  is  the  physical  blending  of  different 
physical  types  through  intermarriage. 

The  amalgamation  of  chromatic  races  results  in  half-breed  or 
mulatto  types.  Intense  prejudices  against  such  amalgamation,  how- 
ever, commonly  prevent  the  perfect  fusion  of  different  colour  races. 
With  cephalic,  glottic,  and  ethnic  races  and  nationalities,  the  case 
is  altogether  different.  No  hesitation  is  ever  seen  on  the  part  of 
dolichocephalic  blonds  to  marry  brachy cephalic  brunettes.  Teutonic, 
Celtic,  and  Iberic  ethnic  races  have  intermarried  for  generations. 
The  amalgamation  of  nationalities  in  the  United  States  is  very 
little  retarded  by  differences  of  language,  vrhich  soon  disappear. 
A  more  positive  hindrance  is  interposed  by  differences  of  religious 
belief. 

Table  XXXII.  —  Amount  of  Amalgamation 

A  1.   Number  of  Nationalities  represented  in  Existing  Marriages  of 
Mixed  Nationality. 

56 


56  Inductive  Sociology 

A  2.   Number  of  Ethnic  Races  represented  in  Existing  Marriages  of 

Mixed  Nationality. 
A  3.   Number  of  Glottic  Races  represented  in  Existing  Marriages  of 

Mixed  Nationality. 
A  4.  Number  of  Chromatic  Races  represented  in  Existing  Marriages 

of  Mixed  Chromatic  Race. 
A   5.   Total  Number  of  Marriages  of  Mixed  Nationality 
A  6.   Total  Number  of  Marriages  of  Mixed  Chromatic  Race. 
A  7.   Proportion  of  Mixed  Marriages  to  whole  Number  of  Marriages. 

The  Federal  Census  of  the  United  States  gives  imperfect  statistics  of  marriages 
of  mixed  nationality. 

Autogeny 

Besides  amalgamation  there  is  another  process  which 
creates  and  maintains  unity  in  the  population.  Colonies, 
and  new  cities  in  the  first  or  second  generation  of  their 
existence,  are  occasionally  exceptions.  All  other  popu- 
lations are  perpetuated  mainly  by  their  birth  rate  rather 
than  by  immigration.  For  the  purposes  of  sociology  we 
may  designate  this  fact  by  a  technical  term,  and  say  that 
a  population  is  normally  Autogenous,  that  is,  self-generat- 
ing, self-perpetuating. 

Table  XXXIII.  —  Degree  op  Autogeny 

A  1.  Excess  of  Number  of  Individuals  born  and  living  in  Enu- 
meration Unit  over  Number  living  in  same  Unit,  but  born 
in  other  Enumeration  Units. 

A  2.  Excess  of  Number  of  Individuals  living  in  Enumeration  Unit 
and  born  in  the  Nation,  over  those  living  in  Enumeration 
Unit,  but  born  in  Foreign  Lands. 


PAET  II 

THE   SOCIAL   MIND 

CHAPTER   I 

Like  Response  to  Stimulus 

Stimulation  and  Eesponse 

The  simplest  psycho-physical  process  that  takes  place 
in  the  nervous  system  is  the  response  of  nervous  matter 
to  an  external  stimulus. 

A  stimulus  is  anything  that  excites  the  activity  of  nerve  sub- 
stance and  especially  of  an  organ  of  sense.  Light  is  a  stimulus  to 
the  nerves  of  the  retina  of  the  eye  ;  sound  waves  are  a  stimulus  to 
the  auditory  nerves  of  the  ear. 

Nature  of  Nervous  Phenomena.  —  The  stimulation  of 
a  sense  organ  is  normally  followed  by  a  twofold  result. 
One  effect  is  sensation  —  the  most  elementary  fact  of  con- 
sciousness. The  other  effect  is  a  muscular  movement 
called  a  "reflex." 

Thus,  stimulation  of  the  optic  nerve  is  followed  by  sensations  of 
light  and  of  colour.  Stimulation  of  the  auditory  nerve  is  followed 
by  sensations  of  sound,  of  noise,  or  of  tone.  Optic  stimulation 
causes  not  only  sensations,  but  also  contractions  or  dilations  of  the 
pupil  of  the  eye.     A  sharp  sound  causes  us  to  start. 

In  these  pages  the  phrase  "Response  to  Stimulus"  will  denote  both 
sensation  and  reflex,  and  all  their  combinations  and  products. 

All  mental  phenomena  are  built  up  of  sensations  and  reflexes. 
Sensations  are  combined  in  those  states  of  consciousness  which  we 
call  perceptions,  ideas,  and  thoughts.  Reflexes  are  combined  in  all 
the  modes  of  muscular  activity.  Sensations  and  reflexes  are  com- 
bined in  emotion  and  in  voluntary  movements. 

57 


58  Inductive  Sociology 

Modes  of  Activity,  —  The  activities  of  mind  and  bodj, 
which  together  constitute  the  total  response  to  stimula- 
tion, assume  definite  and  practical  modes,  and  concentrate 
themselves  upon  practical  achievements. 

They  seize  upon  the  facts  of  experience,  and  organize  them  into 
knowledge,  preferences,  and  values.  They  seize  upon  objects  of  the 
external  world  and  convert  them  to  use.  They  adapt  or  accommo- 
date the  conscious  individual  himself  to  his  situation.  And,  finally, 
they  adapt  or  accommodate  conscious  individuals  to  one  another. 

1.  Appreciation.  —  The  first  conscious  business  of  life 
for  every  conscious  individual  is  to  get  used  to  the  vrorld 
that  he  lives  in.  The  process  consists  partly  in  acquiring 
knowledge.  With  the  knowledge,  however,  is  mixed  a  great 
deal  of  liking  and  disliking.  With  every  act  of  learning 
some  degree  of  preferential  feeling  is  combined.  In  a 
rough  way  every  person  and  every  thing  that  is  brought 
into  the  widening  circle  of  acquaintance  is  valued,  and  is 
assigned  a  certain  place  in  a  scale  of  values.  This  men- 
tal process,  in  which  knowledge,  preference,  and  valuation 
are  combined,  may  be  called  Appreciation. 

It  may  not  be  that  critical  appreciation,  which  we  look  for  in  the 
artist,  the  poet,  or  the  scientific  man,  but  it  is  at  least  a  rough,  pre- 
liminary, practically  useful  appreciation,  which  serves  as  a  mental 
guide  for  the  purposes  of  everyday  life. 

Appreciation,  then,  is  the  mind's  general  grasp  of  the  situation  in 
which  the  individual  finds  himself,  and  it  is  the  first  great  practical 
activity  of  life.  It  is  the  sum  of  his  responses  to  stimulus,  regarded 
as  mental  processes,  and  as  constituting  an  attitude  of  mind  toward 
its  environment. 

2.  Utilization.  —  The  individual  not  only  tries  to  grasp 
his  situation  as  a  mental  picture,  but  he  tries  also  to 
make  use  of  the  objects  about  him.  The  second  great 
practical   business   of   life  is  the  attempt  to  adapt   the 


Like  Response  to  Stimulus  59 

external  world  to  ourselves.  The  deliberate  and  system- 
atic adaptation  of  the  external  world  to  ourselves  we 
call  Utilization. 

This  word  is  sometimes  employed  to  denote  an  wiconscious 
appropriation  by  any  organism  of  things  necessary  or  helpful ; 
for  example,  the  absorption  of  food  elements  by  a  growing  plant. 
If  such  an  extension  be  given  to  the  word  "  utilization,"  we  must,  for 
the  sake  of  clearness  of  thought,  give  a  similar  purely  figurative 
extension  to  the  word  "  appreciation  " ;  for,  back  of  all  merely  organic 
or  unconscious  utilization  lies  the  unconscious  process  of  selection, 
variously  manifested  in  chemical  affinities,  and  in  organic  attrac- 
tions and  repulsions.  Hence,  whether  we  use  the  words  figuratively 
or  strictly,  the  fact  to  be  remembered  is,  that  on  the  same  plane  of 
existence  appreciation  (figurative  or  real)  is  antecedent  to  utilization. 
Utilization  on  a  lower  plane  of  existence  is,  of  course,  antecedent  to 
appreciation  on  a  higher  plane. 

3.  Characterization.  —  Attempts  to  utilize  the  environ- 
ment—  to  adapt  it  to  the  purposes  of  the  individual  — 
are  never  perfectly  successful,  and  to  some  extent  it  is 
necessary  for  the  individual  to  accommodate  himself  to 
his  surroundings.  Accordingly,  the  third  great  practical 
business  of  life  is  the  attempt  to  adapt  ourselves  to  the 
external  world. 

The  reaction  of  this  attempt  is  seen  chiefly  in  the 
moulding  of  character.  In  its  entirety  the  process  of 
adapting  ourselves  to  the  external  world  may  be  called 
Characterization. 

4.  Socialization.  —  The  fourth  great  practical  business 
of  life  is  the  attempt  to  adapt  ourselves  to  one  another. 

'The  process  of  getting  acquainted  with  one  another, 
of  establishing  sympathies  and  friendships,  of  learning  to 
enjoy  association,  and  of  discovering  how  to  cooperate 
with  one  another  in  our  work,  we  may  call  Socialization. 

Socialization  begins  as  early  as  appreciation,  but  we  do  not 
greatly  occupy  our  minds  with  it,  or  enter  upon  a  serious  effort  to 


60  Inductive  Sociology 

develop  it,  in  the  purpose  to  derive  the  utmost  pleasure  and  profit 
from  it,  until  after  we  have  made  some  progress  in  appreciation,  in 
utilization,  and  in  characterization. 

Like  Response 

All  the  modes  of  practical  activity  above  defined  are 
modes  of  response  to  stimulus,  and  all  may  be  observed 
in  the  life  of  a  single  individual,  who,  however,  is  not 
uninfluenced  by  fellow-beings. 

]  From   time  to  time,  however,  we   observe  coexisting 

I  individuals  who  are  so  constituted  that  they  respond  in 

Mike  ways   to    the  same  stimulus.     Like  response  is  the 

beginning  of  that  practical  and  mental  resemblance  which 

[  ultimately  makes  society  possible. 

For  example,  if  two  or  more  children  prefer  a  certain  colour,  as 
red  or  blue  or  yellow,  to  any  other  colour  that  is  shown  them,  these 
children,  reacting  in  the  same  way  to  the  same  stimulus,  are  to  this 
extent  mentally  alike.  If  two  or  more  men,  when  entering  upon 
their  life  work,  show  a  strong  preference  for  the  same  occupation, 
they  are  to  this  extent  mentally  alike.  If  many  men,  upon  hearing 
that  some  great  disaster  has  overtaken  the  commercial  world,  are 
so  filled  with  fear  that  they  sell  their  stocks  or  other  investments, 
these  men  are  mentally  and  morally  in  a  high  degree  alike.  Or, 
finally,  if  hundreds  or  thousands  of  men  are  so  affected  by  some 
great  wrong  as  to  hold  public  meetings,  and  carry  on  a  prolonged 
agitation  to  do  away  with  the  evil  that  depresses  them,  these  men 
are  so  far  mentally  and  morally  alike. 

Non-simultaneous  Like  Response.  —  Like  response  is 
not  necessarily  simultaneous. 

For  example,  in  the  psychological  laboratory  one  person  after 
another  may  be  subjected  to  certain  tests,  and,  when  the  results  are 
examined,  it  may  be  found  that  the  persons  so  examined  fall  into 
classes,  on  the  basis  of  mental  resemblances,  and  quite  irrespective 
of  the  order  in  which  the  different  individuals  have  appeared  before 
the  observer. 

Simultaneous  Like  Response.  —  Like  response,  however, 
may  be  simultaneous. 


Like  Response  to  Stimulus  61 

Thus,  while  a  class  is  listening  to  a  lecture,  if  a  book  is  dropped, 
or  a  door  is  suddenly  opened,  most  of  the  pupils  will  visibly  start. 
The  response  to  stimulus  is  instant  and  simultaneous.  If  an  ex- 
plosion occurs  in  the  street,  hundreds  of  persons  at  the  same  instant 
are  startled,  and  many  of  them  simultaneously  begin  to  move  in  the 
direction  of  the  noise. 

Table  I.  —  Like  Response 
M  1.   Response  not  Simultaneous.      M  2.   Response  Simultaneous. 

Innumerable  historical  studies  of  simultaneous  like  response  to  stimulus 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States  may  be  made  from  trustworthy  records. 
Conspicuous  examples  are  the  English  colonization,  the  westward  movements, 
and  the  enlistments  in  response  to  calls  for  volunteers  in  the  Civil  and  Spanish 
Wars.  To  find  documents,  consult  Channing  and  Hart's  "  Guide."  Records  of 
enlistment  are  found  in  the  Reports  of  the  Adjutant  Generals. 

Integration  of  Like  Response 

Like  responsiveness  to  the  same  stimulus  is  discovered 
in  different  stages  of  development.  It  may  be  observed 
in  simple  forms,  in  forms  that  are  somewhat  complex,  and 
yet  again  in  forms  that  are  complex  in  a  high  degree. 

The  word  "  integration  "  may  be  used  to  denote  the  combination 
of  the  mental  activity  of  two  or  more  individuals  in  one  common 
activity  or  in  producing  a  common  product  of  their  combined 
thought. 

The  integration,  then,  of  the  mental  activity  —  that  is,  of  the  like 
responses  to  like  stimuli  —  of  two  or  more  individuals,  is  of  different 
degrees  and  of  progressive  stages. 

Momentary  Like  Response.  —  The  first  stage  is  a  mere 
initial  like  responsiveness,  a  mere  first  interest  in  any 
subject. 

When  two  or  more  individuals  receive  similar  sensations,  or  per- 
ceive the  same  object  or  event,  and  react  upon  it  in  like  ways,  with- 
out thought  of  one  another,  or  any  purpose  of  continued  action, 
there  is  a  simultaneous  like  response  than  which  no  simpler  mode  is 
known.      Perhaps  the  most  familiar  example  is  the  spontaneous 


62  Inductive  Sociology 

■applause  of  an  audience  when  a  speaker  unexpectedly  touches  the 
■emotions  of  his  hearers.  This  first  interest,  even  if  for  the  moment 
very  strong,  may  not  last. 

Habitual  Like  Response.  —  A  second  stage  in  the  inte- 
igration  of  like  response  is  that  persistent  repetition  of  a 
I  given  mode  of  response  to  the  same  repeated  stimulus 

which  becomes  a  continuous  activity  or  occupation,  a  habit, 

or  a  fixed  manner. 

Thus  most  of  our  forms  of  speech  and  of  courtesy  are  habitual 
like  ways  of  responding  to  the  stimulus  of  personal  meeting.  The 
like  is  true  of  those  continuous  modes  of  activity  which  we  call 
business  qualities  or  traits  of  character. 

Mental  and  Practical  Besemhlance.  —  Persistent  or  ha- 
bitual modes  of  like  response  constitute  the  mental  and 
practical  resemblances  which  are  the  chief  factors  of  social 
phenomena. 

Erom  the  earliest  times  and  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  human 
beings  have  classified  one  another  according  to  their  differing  mental 
traits,  their  dispositions,  and  their  characters. 

1.  Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  Emotion  and  Intellect.  — 
As  the  processes  and  results  of  appreciation  vary  in  differ- 
ent individuals,  so  appear  different  types  of  motor  reaction, 
of  emotion,  and  of  intellect. 

Some  individuals  are  quick  and  some  slow,  some  are  continuously 
and  some  intermittently  active,  some  are  involuntary  and  some 
largely  voluntary  in  movement,  some  are  strongly  and  some  weakly 
emotional,  some  believe  as  they  feel,  and  some  as  they  judge  from 
evidence,  some  reason  by  guesswork  and  analogy,  some  by  deduction 
without  due  attention  to  premises,  and  some  by  either  deduction  or 
induction,  after  a  critical  scrutiny  of  premises. 

2.  Types  of  Disposition.  —  According  to  the  various 
ways  in  which  men  go  about  the  activities  of  utilization 
we  find  among  them  different  types  of  disposition. 


Like  Response  to  Stimulus  63 

Some  individuals  are  aggressive.  They  directly  and  unhesitat- 
ingly attack  the  object  or  the  person  that  they  wish  to  utilize  or  to 
subdue.  Other  individuals  are  instigative ;  they  incite  their  fellows 
to  act,  or  perhaps  they  placate  those  already  excited.  A  third  sort 
of  individuals  are  domineering;  they  assume  superiority  and  au- 
thority, they  command  and  direct.  Finally,  a  fourth  sort  of  indi- 
viduals are  in  disposition  creative ;  they  are  always  ready  to  assume 
responsibility  and  risk,  to  adopt  plans  and  to  put  them  in  operation, 
to  carry  on  enterprises. 

3.  Types  of  Character.  —  According  to  the  varying 
degrees  and  results  of  characterization  we  find  among 
men  varying  types  of  character. 

Some  individuals  are  forceful,  some  are  weakly  self-indulgent  in 
their  convivial  pleasures,  some  are  self-denying  and  austere,  and 
finally  some,  in  a  broad  and  rational  spirit,  are  conscientious. 

4.  Types  of  Mind.  —  A  type  of  disposition  and  of 
character  is  always  combined  with  some  type  of  motor 
reaction,  of  emotion,  and  of  intellect.  We  find,  therefore, 
in  the  social  population  types  of  mind. 

In  some  individuals  a  forceful  character,  an  aggressive  disposi- 
tion, intellect  of  low  grade,  and  strong  emotion  are  combined  with  a 
prompt  and  persistent  motor  activity.  This  type  we  shall  call  the 
Ideo-Motor.  In  other  individuals  a  convivial  character,  an  instiga- 
tive disposition,  an  imaginative  intellect,  prone  to  reason  from  analogy, 
a  weak  but  persistent  and  usually  good-natured  emotion,  are  com- 
bined with  motor  reactions  that  are  usually  intermittent  and  of  less 
promptness  than  in  the  ideo-motor  type.  This  type  we  shall  call  the 
Ideo-Emotional.  In  individuals  of  a  third  sort  an  austere  character 
and  a  domineering  disposition  are  combined  with  dogmatism  of 
belief,  strong  emotion,  and  intermittent  activity.  This  type  may  be 
named  the  Dogmatic-Emotional.  In  a  fourth  kind  of  individuals  all 
the  emotional  and  motor  processes  are  dominated  by  a  critical  intel- 
lect, and  even  disposition  and  character  are  intellectually  controlled. 
This  type  we  may  call  the  Critically-Intellectual. 

The  Consciousness  of  Kind.  —  The  awareness  of  resem-  \ 
blances   and    differences   by   the   resembling   individuals  v 


64  Inductive  Sociology 

themselves  is  the  third  stage  in  the  integration  of  like 

response. 
I       Like  response,  whether  momentary  or  habitual,  may 
'  be  caused  independently  of  any  influence  exerted  by  the 

responding  individuals  upon  one  another  through  contact 

and  acquaintance. 

If,  for  example,  quite  independently  of  one  another,  two  or  more 
farmers  take  up  land  in  a  new  country,  and  establish  their  home- 
steads many  miles  apart,  where  for  a  long  time  they  continue  to 
conduct  their  farming  operations  without  social  intercourse  or  coop- 
eration, they  will  all,  none  the  less,  be  in  like  manner  affected  by  the 
change  of  seasons,  the  rains  and  the  droughts,  and  by  the  gradual 
transformations  of  the  region  through  cultivation.  They  will  begin 
their  farming  operations  at  very  nearly  the  same  time  in  the  spring, 
and  harvest  their  crops  at  very  nearly  the  same  time  in  the  fall. 
They  will  acquire  like  habits,  determined  by  their  similarity  of  situ- 
ation and  their  like  occupations.  Yet  their  mental  and  practical 
resemblances  may  remain  unperceived  by  the  resembling  individuals 
themselves. 

p     As  a  rule,  however,  resembling  individuals  become  ac- 

!  quainted,  and  through  communication  become  aware  of 

.  their  resemblances  and    differences. 

[  The  awareness  of  resemblance  may  be  little  more  than 
a  feeling  of  sympathy,  or  it  may  become  a  clean-cat  per- 
ception. It  may  include  feelings  of  affection  and  a  desire 
for  recognition.  In  all  its  degrees,  from  sympathy  to  a 
clear  perception  of  resemblances  and  differences,  includ- 
ing every  perception  by  the  responding  individuals  them- 
selves that  they  do  respond  in  like  ways  to  like  stimuli, 
this  awareness  of  resemblances  and  differences  plays  a 
large  part  in  social  groupings  and  activities.  It  will  here 
be  called  by  the  general  descriptive  term,  the  Conscious- 
ness of  Kind. 

Concerted  Volition.  —  The  consciousness  of  kind  in  its 
higher  developments,  when,  namely,  it  becomes  perceived 


Like  Response  to  Stimulus  65 

like  response  to  the  same  stimulus,  passes  through  various 
emotional  and  intellectual  developments  into  concerted 
action.  This  is  the  fourth  stage  in  the  integration  of  like 
response. 

The  Social  Mind 

The  phenomena  thus  far  described,  when  looked  at  in 
their  entirety,  are  seen  to  be  facts  of  mind,  but  not  merely 
facts  of  any  one  individual  mind  taken  by  itself. 

[Two  or  more  minds  respond  in  like  ways  to  the  same 
stimulus.  They  become  increasingly  alike  in  their  prefer- 
ences, their  thoughts  and  emotions,  their  practical  activi- 
ties, and  their  moral  character.  Such  individuals  usually 
discover  their  mental  and  moral  resemblances,  think  about 
them,  take  pleasure  in  them,  and  turn  them  to  good  ac- 
count in  many  useful  ways.  And,  sooner  or  later,  know- 
ing their  agreement,  they  participate  in  concerted  activity.  I 

To  the  group  of  facts  thus  described  we  give  the  name/ 
the  Social  Mind. 

This  name  does  not  denote  any  other  consciousness  than  that  of 
individual  minds.  Like  the  familiar  terms,  the  "  moral  sense  of  the 
community,"  "  public  opinion,"  and  "  the  public  will,"  it  means  only 
that  individual  minds  act  simultaneously  in  like  ways,  and  continu- 
ously influence  one  another ;  and  that  certain  mental  products  and 
practical  consequences  result  from  such  combined  mental  action, 
which  could  not  result  from  the  thinking  of  an  individual  who  had 
no  communication  with  his  fellow-beings. 

Modes  of  the  Social  Mind.  —  The  four  stages  of  integra- 
tion of  like  response  to  stimulus  that  have  been  described 
may  otherwise  be  viewed  and  described  as  four  modes  of 
the  social  mind.     These  accordingly  are  :  — 

1.  Social  Stimulation  and  Response.  —  The  same  stimu- 
lus must  act  upon  a  plurality  of  individual  minds,  and 
they  must  respond  in  like  ways,  before  the  social  mind  in 
even  its  simplest  manifestation  can  be  said  to  exist. 


66  Inductive  Sociology 

And  just  as  in  the  individual  mind  the  most  complex  processes 
are  built  up  out  of  the  simple  elements  of  stimulation,  sensation, 
and  reflex,  so  also  are  the  most  complex  processes  of  the  social 
mind  products  of  like  stimulation  and  like  response. 

2.  Mental  and  Moral  Differentiation. —  y^h^n  the  re- 
sponses of  two  or  more  individuals  to  the  same  stimula- 
tion are  habitually  alike,  and  the  responses  of  two  or 
more  other  individuals  to  the  same  stimulation  are  also 
habitually  alike,  but  the  responses  of  the  one  group  are 
nevertheless  different  from  the  responses  of  the  other 
group,  we  have  the  types  of  intellect,  or  of  disposition,  or 
of  character,  that  have  already  been  described. 

The  social  population  accordingly  is  differentiated  into  sections 
that  respond  on  the  whole  impulsively,  or  emotionally,  with  persist- 
ent faith,  or  with  critical  intelligence,  all  to  the  same  stimulation ; 
just  as  the  cerebral  cortex  is  differentiated  into  tracts,  which,  to  the 
same  stimulation,  respond  in  ideo-motor  activity,  in  emotion,  in  dog- 
matic belief,  and  in  critical  intellection. 

3.  Social  Consciousness.  —  The  consciousness  of  kind  — 
the  awareness  of  resemblances  and  of  differences  —  is,  in 
so  far  as  we  have  any  means  of  knowing,  the  only  social 
consciousness.  This  awareness  must,  however,  be  consid- 
ered as  a  real  social  consciousness.  It  is  even  at  times  a 
social  self-consciousness. 

As  the  individual  may  become  conscious  of  his  sensations,  or  of 
his  thoughts,  and  may  even  think  about  them  in  the  most  system- 
atic way,  so  may  any  number  of  individuals  become  aware,  not 
only  of  the  fact  that  they  are  responding  in  like  ways  to  the  same 
stimulus,  and  that  in  general  they  are  mentally  and  morally  alike, 
but  also  that  at  the  same  given  moment  they  are  thinking  the  same 
particular  thoughts,  and  sharing  the  same  specific  feelings ;  and  these 
facts  may  be  made  the  subject  of  conversation,  and  even  of  formal 
discussion. 


Like  Response  to  Stimulus  67 

4.  Social  Force  and  (7oni{roZ.  ^- Concerted  volition  re- 
acts with  controlling  power  upon  the  individuals  partici- 
pating in  it,  and  even  at  times  upon  other  individuals  that 
have  taken  no  part  in  its  evolution.  This  phenomenon  is 
strictly  analogous  to  the  reaction  of  volition  in  the  indi- 
vidual mind  upon  sensation,  emotion,  and  thought. 

Merely  as  facts  of  consciousness,  sensation,  emotion,  and  thought, 
whether  existing  at  a  given  moment  in  one  individual  mind,  or  in 
many  minds,  cannot  be  thought  of  or  argued  about  in  terms  of  our 
physical  conceptions  of  energy  or  force.  Associated  with  these 
facts  of  consciousness,  however,  are,  as  we  know,  facts  of  nervous 
activity  and  muscular  movement.  Therefore,  it  is  legitimate  to" 
speak  of  mental  energy,  or  of  the  force  of  an  individual  mind, 
meaning  thereby  the  transformations  of  energy  and  the  physical 
changes  in  the  external  world  that  are  brought  about  through  those 
activities  of  the  nervous  mechanism  that  are  associated  with  sensa- 
tion, emotion,  and  thought. 

In  this  sense  the  mind  is  a  force,  and  the  social  mind  in  all  its 
phases  or  modes  is  a  social  force,  by  which  is  meant  a  force  that 
originates  in  society  or  in  social  conditions,  and  reacts  upon  society 
or  upon  its  individual  members. 

In  any  stage  of  its  development,  then,  the  social  mind,  whether  it 
be  merely  the  simultaneous  like  responsiveness  of  two  or  more  indi- 
viduals to  the  same  momentary  stimulus,  or  whether  it  be  a  highly 
developed  social  consciousness  manifesting  itself  in  a  concerted 
activity  that  has  been  deliberately  planned,  if  it  is  more  than  mere 
reflection,  is  a  power  superior  to  any  individual  force. 

The  social  mind  in  its  active  or  energetic  manifestation  is  often 
spoken  of  as  the  Social  Will. 

The  active  manifestation  of  the  social  mind  may  or  may  not  be 
consciously  intended.  On  the  one  hand,  individuals  without  any 
plan  or  intent  in  the  matter  may  simultaneously  act  in  the  same 
ways,  and  such  action  may  be  a  compelling  social  force  of  tremen- 
dous power.  On  the  other  hand,  the  display  of  energy  may  be  delib- 
erately planned  or  intended.  In  other  words,  a  social  force  may  be 
an  intended  social  force. 

Definition  of  the  Social  Mind.  —  Having  regard  to  all 
of  these  modes  of  the  social  mind,  namely,  stimulation 


v., 


68  Inductive  Sociology 

and  response,  mental  and  moral  differentiation,  social  con- 
sciousness, and  social  control,  the  social  mind  maybe  defined 
as  follows :  The  social  mind  is  the  like  responsiveness  to 
stimulation,  the  sympathy  and  concurrent  intelligence,  the 
consciousness  of  kind,  and  the  concerted  volition  of  two 
or  more  individuals. 


CHAPTER  II 
Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance 

Socializing  Forces 

The  detailed  study  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
can  be  carried  on  only  through  the  recording  and  tabulat- 
ing of  large  numbers  of  observations  of  appreciation  and 
types  of  mind,  of  utilization  and  types  of  disposition,  of 
characterization  and  types  of  character. 

Incidentally,  such  a  study  will  disclose  the  origin  of  the 
forces  that  create  society,  and  which,  therefore,  may  be 
called  socializing  forces. 

The  term  "social  forces,"  which  was  defined  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  is  often  inaccurately  used.  In  accordance  with  the  defini- 
tion given  it  should  be  employed  only  to  denote  processes  of  concerted 
volition,  which  can  arise  only  when  society  already  exists.  In  other 
words,  the  socializing  forces  create  society;  the  social  forces  are 
created  by  society,  and  then  react  upon  society. 

'Appreciation 

Starting  from  that  very  general  account  of  appreciation 
and  its  definition  which  were  presented  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  it  is  important  to  observe  the  degrees  of  appreci- 
ation, its  motives,  and  its  methods. 

Appreciation,  like  characterization,  is  an  accommodation  of  the 
mind  to  its  environment,  but  while  in  characterization  the  accommo- 
dation is  consciously  effected,  the  accommodation  of  appreciation  is 
for  the  most  part  an  unconscious  process. 


70  Inductive  Sociology 

Degrees  of  Appreciation.  —  The  degree  of  appreciation 
depends  upon  the  range  of  experience. 

Fortunately  there  is  a  simple  and  accurate  means  of 
measuring  the  range  of  individual  experience,  and  there- 
fore of  measuring  the  degree  of  appreciation. 

The  range  of  experience  depends  upon  the  development  of  the 
demotic  composition.  An  individual's  experience  is  narrow  or  wide, 
according  as  his  contact  has  been  with  the  narrow  degrees  of  kinship 
only,  or  has  extended  to  the  wider  ones.  If  he  is  acquainted  only 
with  those  consanguini  who  constitute  his  immediate  relatives,  he 
knows  little  of  the  world  or  of  mankind.  If  his  travels  have  broug*ht 
him  in  contact  with  men  of  every  tongue  and  of  every  colour  race,  he 
has  picked  up  information  of  the  most  varied  kinds,  and  has  formed 
decided  preferences  and  valuations  touching  the  greatest  number  of 
human  interests. 

The  range  of  experience,  then,  as  limited  by  contact  with  men 
within  the  successive  and  broadening  degrees  of  kinship,  may  be 
taken  as  a  measure  of  the  degree  of  appreciation.  Using  this 
measure,  we  may  distinguish  four  degrees  of  appreciation,  namely :  — 

1.  Loivest  —  This  is  the  only  degree  of  appreciation 
that  can  be  developed  by  an  experience  which  has  been 
limited  by  consanguinity. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  endogamous  savage  hordes,  and  by  the 
lowest  endogenous  groups  of  ignorant  persons  in  civil  populations. 

2.  Low.  —  This  is  the  highest  degree  of  appreciation 
that  can  be  developed  by  an  experience  which  has  been 
limited  by  propinquity. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  exogamous  savage  hordes,  and  by  small 
exogenous  groups  in  civil  populations. 

3.  High.  —  This  is  the  highest  degree  of  appreciation 
that  can  be  developed  by  an  experience  limited  by  tribal 
or  national  dialect. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  single  tribes  of  barbarians,  and,  in  civil 
populations,  by  distinct  nationalities  speaking  only  their  native 
tongues. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  71 

4.  Highest.  —  This  is  the  degree  of  appreciation  that 
can  be  developed  only  by  an  experience  as  wide  as  that 
which  is  made  possible  by  tribal  federation,  or  which  has 
no  limits  short  of  acquaintance  with  ethnic  race. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  tribal  federations,  ethnic  nations,  and 
civic  ^nations.  An  interesting  historical  example  is  found  in  the 
phrase,  "a  decent  regard  for  the  opinions  of  mankind,"  in  the 
American  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  another  in  Article  IV  of 
the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

Table  II.  —  Degrees  op  Appreciation 

M  1.   Lowest.         M  2.   Low.         M    3.   High.        M  4.    Highest. 
The  sources  of  information  are  Federal  and  State  Census  Reports,  ethnologi- 
cal materials  as  named  in  Part  I,  records  made  by  individual  observers,  and 
special  testimony. 

Motives  of  Appreciation.  —  All  the  conscious  activities 
of  mankind,  the  internal  activities  of  thought  and  feeling, 
no  less  than  the  external  activities  of  practical  conduct, 
spring  from  certain  internal  motives,  such  as  sensations, 
passions,  appetites,  desires  of  various  kinds,  and  ideas.  In 
the  motives  of  action  most  of  the  causes  of  social  change 
are  ultimately  to  be  found. 

The  original  causes  of  appreciation  are  the  external  stimuli  from 
which  sensations  and  muscular  reactions  result.  Sensations,  how- 
ever, are  pleasant  or  unpleasant,  and  the  more  complex  mental 
products  that  are  built  up  of  sensations  are  often  in  a  stronger 
degree  agreeable  or  disagreeable,  pleasurable  or  painful.  When  the 
mind  has  had  experiences  of  the  pleasant  and  the  unpleasant,  the 
pleasurable  and  the  painful,  it  begins  consciously  to  react  upon  its 
own  processes  and  upon  the  activity  of  the  entire  bodily  organism, 
endeavouring  to  get  as  much  as  possible  of  pleasurable  sensation, 
emotion,  and  thought,  and  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible  the  painful. 
Thus,  as  the  mind  consciously  and  deliberately  extends  its  apprecia- 
tion, it  does  so  from  causes  that  must  be  described  as  motives,  rather 
than  as  mere  stimuli.  These  motives  may  be  grouped  in  four 
classes,  according  to  the  degree  of  complexity  of  the  mental  pro- 
cesses of  which  they  are  constituted. 


T2  Inductive  Sociology 

1.  Pleasures  of  Physical  Activity ,  Receptive  Sensation, 
and  Simple  Ideation.  —  These  are  the  earliest  and  simplest 
motives  of  appreciation. 

The  child  delights  in  active  bodily  exercise,  and  so  in  a  less  de- 
gree does  the  healthy  adult.  The  child  is  continually  moved  to 
experiment  with  external  objects,  because  of  the  pleasures  of  sensa- 
tion which  they  afford  him ;  and  throughout  life,  light,  colour,  musi- 
cal tones,  soft  and  delicate  surfaces,  give  us  pleasure  through  the 
gensory  organs  of  sight,  hearing,  and  pressure.  Combined  with 
pleasures  of  immediate  sensation  are  the  pleasures  afforded  by 
simple  ideas. 

2.  Pleasures  of  Sense,  Idea,  and  Emotion.  —  These  are 
motives  of  appreciation  one  degree  more  coniplex  than  the 
foregoing. 

The  reaction  of  the  nervous  system  to  stimulus  is  not  always  com- 
pleted in  a  discharge  of  energy  through  the  muscular  system.  The 
released  energy  is  often  expended  in  those  internal  disturbances 
which  we  know  in  consciousness  as  emotion.  Some  emotions,  such 
as  fear,  grief,  and  remorse,  are  in  a  high  degree  painful,  while  others, 
as  mirth,  joy,  and  hope,  are  pleasurable.  The  pleasures  of  emotion 
are  usually  much  intensified  by  combination  with  pleasures  of  sensa- 
tion and  simple  idea.  And  certain  types  of  men  are  easily  distin- 
guished as  more  easily  moved  by  pleasures  of  sense  and  emotion  than 
by  pleasures  of  physical  activity.  They  are  emotional  rather  than 
motor  types. 

3.  Pleasures  of  Emotion  and  Belief  —  Motives  of  ap- 
preciation yet  higher  are  found  in  those  emotional  pleas- 
ures that  originate  in  fixed  ideas  or  controlling  beliefs, 
such  as  religious  or  political  beliefs,  rather  than  in  sensa- 
tion, or  ideas  of  a  simple  sort. 

Persons  who  hold  their  beliefs  strongly,  and  care  much  about  them, 
find  endless  satisfaction  in  them,  and  often  take  their  chief  pleasure 
in  courses  of  conduct  prompted  by  them. 

4.  Pleasures  of  Thought.  —  The  highest  motives  of 
appreciation  are  the  pleasures  of  thought,  experienced  by 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  73 

minds  that  have  acquired  the  habit  of  seeking  knowledge 
and  of  putting  judgments  together  into  scientific  or  philo- 
sophical systems. 

Table  III.  —  Motives  op  Appreciation 

M  1.   Pleasures  of    Physical  Activity,   Receptive    Sensation,  and 

Simple  Ideation. 
M  2.   Pleasures  of  Sense,  Idea,  and  Emotion. 
M  3.   Pleasures  of  Emotion  and  Belief. 
M  4.   Pleasures  of  Thought. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers 
and  from  special  testimony. 

Methods  of  Appreciation. — The  motives  of  appreciation 
work  themselves  out  in  actual  appreciation  through  four 
chief  methods,  or,  it  might  be  more  accurate  to  say,  degrees 
of  method. 

1.  Instinctive  Response  to  Stimulus.  —  At  first,  appreci- 
ation in  its  method  is  nothing  more  than  a  merely  instinc- 
tive response  of  the  nervous  mechanism  to  whatever 
stimulus  it  comes  in  contact  with. 

2.  Curious  Inspection.  —  But  with  the  development  of 
elementary  thought-processes,  and  the  rise  of  curiosity,  we 
may  observe  a  keen  desire  to  know  and  to  understand  the 
surrounding  world,  which  manifests  itself  in  a  merely  curi- 
ous inspection  of  everything  novel. 

This  is  characteristic  of  children,  of  uncivilized  people,  and  of 
people  who  have  lived  in  local  isolation,  whenever  they  are  brought 
into  contact  with  new  objects  or  with  strangers. 

3 .  Preferential  A ttention. — As  the  intellectual  processes 
become  better  organized,  appreciation  becomes  more  and 
more  selective.  Attention  is  fixed  with  marked  preference 
upon  certain  objects,  circumstances,  or  persons,  to  the 
relative  neglect  of  others. 


74  Inductive  Sociology 

4.  Critical  Inspection,  Comparison,  a7id  Analysis.  — 
These  are  the  perfected  methods  of  appreciation,  followed 
by  highly  developed  minds  :  the  methods  of  the  artist,  the 
critic,  the  scholar,  and  the  investigator. 

Table  IV.  —  Methods  of  Appreciation 
M  1.   Instinctive  Response  to  Stimulus. 
M  2.   Curious  Inspection. 
M  3.   Preferential  Attention. 

M  4.   Critical  Inspection,  Comparison,  and  Analysis. 
Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers, 
and  from  special  testimony. 

Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  Emotion,  and  Intellect 

Since  appreciation  is  a  complex  of  motor  reactions, 
emotions,  and  intellectual  states,  its  further  study  can  best 
be  undertaken  if  we  first  resolve  it  into  these  elements. 

According  as  various  degrees  of  mental  development, 
various  motives,  and  various  methods  are  combined  in 
heredity,  and,  according  as  these  are  recombined  with 
degrees  and  with  kinds  of  individual  experience,  appear 
Motor  Types,  Emotional  Types,  and  Intellectual  Types. ^ 

Table  V.  —  Motor  Types:   Promptness  of  Reaction 
M   1.    Prompt:  Ri.  M   3.    Slow:  Rg. 

M  2.   Prompt:  Rg.  M  4.   Slow:  R^. 

Table  VI.  —  Motor  Types:    Continuity  of  Action 
M   1.   Persistent:  Aj.  M   3.   Intermittent:  Ag. 

M  2.   Persistent:  A2.  M  4.   Intermittent:  A4. 

Table  VII. — Motor  Types:   Kind  of  Movement 
M  1.   Largely  Involuntary:  In-     M  3.   Largely    Voluntary:    Co- 

stinctive.  efficient,  Belief. 

M  2.   Semi-involuntary:    Imita-     M  4.   Largely    Voluntary:    Co- 
tive,  Sympathetic.  efficient,  Judgment. 

iQn  the  nature  and  statistical  determination  of  types,  see  Karl  Pearson, 
*'The  Grammar  of  Science,"  revised  edition,  Chapter  x,  §  5  sq.  On  the  obser- 
vational and  experimental  determination  of  psychological  types,  consult  Scripture, 
"  The  New  Psychology." 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemhlanc 


75 


Table  VIII. — Emotional  Types:   Particular  Emotions 

M  1.  Eear.  M  5.   Moroseness. 

M  2.  Anger.  M   6.   Joyousness. 

M  3.  Jealousy. 

M  4.  Hatred. 


M  7.   Cheerfulness. 


Table  IX.  —  Emotional  Types  :  Degree 

M   1.   Strong:  Ej.  M  3.   Weak:  Eg. 

M  2.    Strong:  Ej.  M   4.   Weak:  E^. 

Table  X. — Emotional  Types:  Temperament 

M  1.   Choleric.  M  3.   Melancholic. 

M  2.    Sanguine.  M  4.   Phlegmatic. 

Table  XI.  —  Intellective  Types:   Particular  Intellectual 

States 


M  1.    Suspicion. 
M  2.   Credulity. 


M   3.    Scepticism. 

M  4.   Balanced  Judgment. 


Table  XII.  —  Intellective  Types:   Formation  of  Belief  or 

Judgment 

M  1.   Subjectively  Determined:      M  3.    Subjectively  Determined: 


By  Instinct,  Habit,  and 
Auto-suggestion. 
M  2.    Objectively    Determined: 
By  External  Suggestion, 
Personal  or  Impersonal. 


By  Emotion,  Mood,  or 
Temperament. 
M  4.   Objectively    Determined: 
By  Evidence. 


Table  XIII.  —  Intellective  Types:  Mode  of  Reasoning 


M  4.  Deductive  and  Inductive: 
Critical  of  both  Prem- 
ises and  Logic. 


M  1.    Conjectural. 

M  2.   Analogical. 

M  3.  Deductive:  Speculative; 
may  be  Critical  of  Logi- 
cal Processes,  rarely  of 
Premises. 

Data  for  Tables  V-XIII  must  be  obtained  from  the  records  of  psychological 
laboratories  and  by  individual  investigation. 

Before  the  tables  can  be  filled  out  for  any  large  community,  for  example,  the 
United  States  or  any  state,  they  must  be  filled  out  for  each  nationality  and  for 
the  native  born  of  different  regions.  This  done,  the  tables  can  be  made  out  by 
geographical  areas  according  to  the  distribution  of  nationalities  and  native  born. 


76  Inductive  Sociology 

Utilization 

The  detailed  study  of  utilization  as  a  mode  of  mental 
and  practical  resemblance  should  follow  the  same  plan 
that  has  been  adopted  for  the  study  of  appreciation. 

Degrees  of  Utilization.  —  Like  the  degrees  of  appreci- 
ation, the  degrees  of  utilization  are  measured  by  that 
contact  with  near  or  remote  degrees  of  kinship  which 
determines  the  range  of  experience. 

The  lowest  degree  of  utilization  is  that  possible  within  the  range 
of  an  experience  limited  by  consanguinity.  The  low  degree  of  utili- 
zation is  that  made  possible  by  an  experience  limited  in  its  range  by 
propinquity.  The  high  degree  of  utilization  is  that  made  possible 
by  an  experience  limited  only  by  tribal  or  national  dialect.  The 
highest  degree  of  utilization  is  that  made  possible  by  an  experience 
limited  in  its  range  by  nothing  narrower  than  ethnic  race. 

Table  XIV.  —  Degrees  of  Utilization 

M  1.  Lowest.  M  3.   High. 

M  2.   Low.  M  4.   Highest. 

The  sources  of  information  are  the  same  as  for  degrees  of  appreciation. 

Motives  of  Utilization.  —  The  motives  which  lead  men 
to  attempt  to  utilize  their  environment,  and  to  adapt  it  to 
themselves,  are  certain  organic  demands,  certain  pleasures, 
and  desires.     They  fall  naturally  into  four  classes,  namely : 

1.  Need,  or  intolerance  of  pain,  as  seen,  for  example,  in 
hunger,  in  thirst,  or  in  cold. 

2.  Appetite,  or  craving  for  pleasure,  as  seen,  for  example, 
in  the  continuing  enjoyment  of  savory  foods  and  stimulat- 
ing drinks  after  mere  hunger  and  thirst  have  been  appeased. 

3.  The  Sense  of  Power,  and  the  love  of  exercising  power, 
as  seen,  for  example,  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  hunter  in 
taking  game,  of  the  ranchman  in  mastering  his  broncho, 
of  the  business  man  in  conducting  great  commercial 
enterprises. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  77 

4.  Rational  Desire,  or  the  craving  of  our  entire  intel- 
lectual and  moral  nature  for  the  higher  satisfactions,  —  of 
knowledge,  of  enjoyment  of  the  beautiful,  of  friendship, 
and  of  the  pleasures  of  hospitality  and  social  intercourse. 

These  degrees  of  motive  roughly  correspond  to  the  four  degrees 
of  appreciation  and  of  utilization.  The  utilitarian  motives  of  men 
whose  experience  is  limited  by  consanguinity  seldom  rise  much  above 
the  level  of  need.  Only  those  whose  experiences  are  of  the  widest 
range  are  greatly  moved  by  rational  desire  in  its  higher  developments. 

Table  XV.  —  Motives  op  Utilization 

M  1.  Need  (Intolerance  of  M  3.   Sense  of  Power  (Love 
Pain).  of  Exercising  Power). 

M  2.   Appetite  (Craving  for  M  4.   Kational  Desire. 
Pleasure). 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers  and 
from  special  testimony. 

Methods  of  Utilization.  —  The  motives  of  utilization 
work  themselves  out  in  actual  utilization  through  four 
chief  methods,  namely,  Attack,  Instigation,  Direction, 
Invention. 

1.  Attach  includes  the  exertion  of  muscular  force 
against  any  living  or  non-living  object.  It  includes  also 
the  feelings  and  the  ideas  that  are  associated  with  such 
muscular  efforts,  and  which  range  from  a  mere  conscious- 
ness of  strength  to  an  active  hatred  of  the  object  seized, 
if  it  resists  or  proves  to  be  dangerous. 

2.  Instigation  is  the  tempting,  inducing,  or  urging  other 
individuals  to  act,  or  to  refrain  from  acting.  It  includes 
incitement,  —  the  tempting  or  urging  to  act,  —  and  placa- 
tion,  or  the  appeasing  of  those  already  excited. 

3.  Direction  is  the  control  and  guidance  of  others.  It 
includes  Impression,  which  is  the  mental,  as  distinguished 
from  the  muscular  power  that  one  person  has  over  another. 
Physically  weak  men,  by  sheer  mental  force,  often  awe 


78  Inductive  Sociology 

and  control  men  who  are  physically  strong.  Direction 
includes  also  Domination,  or  the  active  assertion  of  au- 
thority. 

4.  Invention  is  any  new  combination  of  forces  and 
things  for  a  useful  purpose. 

As  here  used,  the  word  means  more  than  mechanical 
invention.  In  the  psychological  and  sociological  sense, 
inventions  include  all  new  combinations  of  ideas,  acts, 
things,  and  forces.  The  plot  of  a  novel  is  an  invention. 
A  successful  act  of  legislation,  a  new  device  in  military  or 
naval  strategy  are  inventions. 

Table  XVI.  —  Methods  of  Utilization 

M  1.   Attack.  M  3.   Direction  (Impression  and 

M  2.   Instigation       (Incitement  Domination), 

and  Placation).  M  4.   Invention. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers  and 
from  special  testimony. 

Types  of  Disposition 

There  are  four  great  Types  of  Disposition  which  roughly 
correspond  to  the  four  degrees  of  utilization,  to  the  four 
developments  of  motive,  and  to  the  four  methods. 

1.  The  Aggressive.  — This  disposition,  with  or  without 
sufficient  deliberation,  unhesitatingly  attacks  any  thing  or 
difficulty  that  may  be  in  the  way.  It  more  often  sets 
examples  than  merely  imitates  them.  It  is  apt  to  be  ca- 
pricious and  spasmodic  in  action. 

2.  The  Instigative.  —  This  disposition  is  more  often  as- 
sociated with  appetite  —  the  craving  for  pleasure  —  of  one 
sort  or  another,  as  a  dominant  motive,  than  it  is  with 
mere  need  or  with  a  sense  of  power.  It  is  not  much 
given  to  direct  attack,  and  it  rarely  commands.  It  works 
through  other  men  by  suggestion,  temptation,  or  persua- 
sion. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  79 

3.  The  Domineering.  —  This  is  the  disposition  of  indi- 
viduals who  have  well  developed  powers  of  impression, 
and  know  it,  and  who  love  to  exercise  power.  It  asserts 
its  authority  over  other  men,  it  commands,  superintends, 
and  guides. 

4.  The  Creative.  —  This  is  that  highest  disposition 
which  is  seen  in  those  men  who  assume  responsibility  for 
new  and  complicated  enterprises,  who  seize  upon  inven- 
tions, and  bring  together  the  ways  and  means  of  convert- 
ing them  from  mere  ideas  into  practical  realities. 

This  disposition,  as  it  is  seen  in  the  business  world,  is  known  to 
economists  as  that  of  the  entrepreneur.  As  seen  in  the  political 
world,  it  is  the  disposition  of  the  responsible  statesman,  as  distin- 
guished from  that  of  the  mere  political  boss. 

Table  XVII.  —  Types  of  Disposition 

M  1.   Aggressive.  M  3.   Domineering. 

M  2.   Instigative.  M  4.   Creative. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers  and 
from  special  testimony.  The  types  of  disposition  are  not  distributed  in  masses 
as  the  types  of  intellect  often  are.  Each  type  of  disposition  is  likely  to  be  found 
in  even  the  smallest  community. 

Characterization 

The  detailed  study  of  characterization  as  a  mode  of 
mental  and  practical  resemblance,  should  follow  the  same 
plan  that  has  been  adopted  for  the  study  of  appreciation 
and  of  utilization. 

Degrees  of  Characterization.  —  Like  the  degrees  of  ap- 
preciation and  of  utilization,  the  degrees  of  characterization 
are  measured  by  that  contact  with  near  or  remote  degrees 
of  kinship  which  determines  the  range  of  experience. 

The  lowest  degree  of  characterization  is  that  possible  within  the 
range  of  an  experience  limited  by  consanguinity.  The  low  degree 
of  characterization  is  that  made  possible  by  an  experience  limited 


80  Inductive  Sociology 

in  its  range  by  propinquity.  The  high  degree  of  characterization 
is  that  made  possible  by  an  experience  limited  only  by  tribal  or 
national  dialect.  The  highest  degree  of  characterization  is  that 
made  possible  by  an  experience  limited  in  its  range  by  nothing 
narrower  than  ethnic  race. 

Table  XVIII.  —  Degrees  of  Characterization 

M  1.   Lowest.  M  3.   High. 

M  2.   Low.  M  4.   Highest. 

The  sources  of  information  are  the  same  as  for  degrees  of  appreciation  and 
degrees  of  utilization. 

Motives  of  Characterization.  —  The  motives  of  charac- 
terization are  more  difficult  to  describe  than  are  the 
motives  of  appreciation  and  of  utilization.  The  motives 
of  characterization  originate  in  vague  desires,  which 
spring  from  the  needs  of  the  entire  bodily  and  mental 
self  rather  than  from  the  need  or  activity  of  any  par- 
ticular organ.^ 

1.  Neglected  Desires.  —  If  a  man  were  spending  nearly- 
all  his  time  and  effort  in  satisfying  his  hunger,  many 
organs  of  his  body,  which  did  not  happen  to  be  called  into 
play,  would  feel  the  need  of  exercise  and  would  grow  res- 
tive under  restraint.  The  powers  of  his  mind,  too,  would 
clamour  for  opportunity.  This  vague  desire  of  the  entire 
self  for  opportunity  and  activity  is  the  primary  form  of 
the  moral  motive  —  the  motive  of  characterization. 

2.  New  Desires.  —  As  it  develops,  this  motive,  under 
the  influence  of  new  experiences,  assumes,  sometimes,  the 
form  of  new  desires. 

3.  Sense  of  Authority  of  Integral  Desire.  —  Further 
developing,  the  motive  of  characterization  becomes  a  sense 
of  the  authority  of  integral  desire  —  the  authority,  that 
is,  of  the  desires  of  the  organism  in  their  entirety,  as  over 
against  any  particular  desire. 

1  See  "  Democracy  and  Empire,"  Chapter  ii,  ♦'  The  Ethical  Motive." 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  81 

4.  Sense  of  Proportion  in  Life.  —  In  its  final  develop- 
ment, the  motive  of  characterization  becomes  a  sense  of 
proportion  in  life,  including  the  desire  for  completeness 
or  expansion  of  life,  and  a  protest  against  any  incomplete- 
ness, failure,  discouragement,  lack  of  resolution,  or  breadth 
of  view  on  the  one  hand,  or  any  exaggeration  on  the  other 
hand. 

Table  XIX.  —  Motives  op  Chakaoterization 

M  1.   Neglected  Desires.  M  3.   Sense   of  Authority  of  In- 

tegral Desire. 
M  2.  New  Desires.  M  4.    Sense  of  Proportion  in  Life. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers 
and  from  special  testimony. 

Methods  of  Characterization.  —  The  methods  through 
which  the  motives  of  characterization  manifest  themselves 
are  Persistence,  Accommodation,  Self-denial,  and  Self- 
control. 

1.  Persistence  does  not  call  for  definition.  It  includes 
persistence  of  attention,  of  thought,  of  physical  effort,  and 
of  purpose. 

2.  Accommodation  is  that  change  which  takes  place  in 
any  living  being  when  new  combinations  or  circumstances, 
make  necessary  some  modification  of  previous  habits. 

When,  for  example,  a  tree  is  transplanted  to  a  soil  or  climate  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  its  native  place,  its  life  depends  upon  its  ability 
to  adapt  itself,  that  is,  to  accommodate  itself,  to  the  new  conditions. 
The  immigrant,  making  his  home  in  a  new  land,  has  to  make  many- 
changes  of  habit  in  respect  to  almost  every  detail  of  his  life.  All 
these  changes  are  accommodations. 

3.  Self-denial  is  a  mere  doing  without,  a  giving  up  or 
sacrificing  of  something  that  is  desired. 

4.  Self-control  is  a  far  higher  method  of  characteriza- 
tion. It  includes  both  self-denial  and  self-indulgence ;  but 
both  are  subordinated  to  a  rational  knowledge  of  one's  situ- 


82  Inductive  Sociology 

ation  as  demanding  now  denial  and  now  satisfaction,  or  as 
demanding  the  one  in  some  measure  or  in  respect  of  some 
things,  the  other  in  some  measure  or  in  respect  of  other 
things.  It  is  the  power  to  bring  order  and  proportion 
into  life  without  being  a  slave,  on  the  one  hand,  to  habits 
of  self-indulgence  or,  on  the  other  hand,  to  a  dominating 
idea  that  mere  self-denial  is  in  itself  a  good  thing. 

Table  XX. — Methods  of  Characterization 

M   1.   Persistence.  M  3.    Self-denial. 

M  2.   Accommodation.  M  4.   Self-control. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers 
and  from  special  testimony. 

Types  of  Character 

Produced  by  the  different  degrees  of  motive  and  of 
method  are  four  great  Types  of  Character,  which,  as  modes 
of  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  are  not  less  important 
among  factors  of  society,  than  are  the  types  of  intellect  and 
of  disposition.  The  four  types  of  character  are  the  Force- 
ful, the  Convivial,  the  Austere,  and  the  Rationally  Con- 
scientious. 

The  Forceful. — This  is  the  type  of  character  in  which 
are  emphasized  the  qualities  of  courage  and  power.  It  is 
adventure-loving,  fearless,  valorous,  fond  of  athletic  ex- 
ploits, feats  of  arms,  and  dangerous  occupations. 

In  modern  industrial  communities  dangerous  occupations  are  the 
chief  resource  of  the  restless  spirits  of  the  forceful  type.  They 
make  their  way  into  navigation,  fisheries,  mining,  ranching,  and  the 
railroad  service,  and  into  such  public  services  as  those  of  the  fire  and 
police  departments. 

The  pleasures  of  the  forceful  type  are  sensory  and  active. 
Where  this  type  is  largely  represented,  drinking,  wrestling,  fencing, 
shooting,  gambling,  and  dancing  are  prevailing  amusements. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  83 

The  Convivial — This  is  the  pleasure-loving  type,  com- 
posed of  men  who  are  fond  of  boon  companions  and  a 
social  good  time. 

The  convivial  man  is  not  always  over-scrupulous  about  the  char- 
acter of  his  indulgences  and  is  altogether  of  an  easy-going  sort. 
His  occupations  are  of  the  safe,  common-place,  easy,  profitable  kind. 
His  pleasures  are  sensory  and  emotional.  Like  the  forceful  man,  he 
is  fond  of  eating,  drinking,  and  gambling,  but  unlike  the  forceful  man 
he  has  no  desire  to  participate  in  muscular  exploits.  He  prefers  to 
look  on  as  a  witness,  at  prize-fighting,  bull-fighting,  cock-fighting, 
and  racing,  and  he  is  usually  fond  of  dramatic  exhibitions. 

The  Austere.  —  This  type  is  the  product  of  a  reaction 
against  the  excesses  of  convivial  indulgence. 

It  enters  all  respectable  vocations,  but  is  much  occupied  also  with 
avocations  of  religious,  moral,  and  political  reform.  Opposed  in  gen- 
eral to  convivial  pleasures,  it  preaches  and  practises  self-denial,  and 
especially  an  avoidance  of  such  pleasures  as  social  drinking,  gam- 
bling, horse-racing,  and  sometimes  even  dancing,  card-playing,  and 
the  theatre.  In  England  and  America  it  is  usually  spoken  of  as  the 
Puritan  character. 

The  Rationally  Conscientious. — This  type  is  the  product 
of  a  reaction  against  and  progress  beyond  the  austere 
character.     It  is  usually  developed  out  of  the  austere  iy^Q» 

Like  the  austere  it  is  strongly  conscientious,  but  it  is  less  narrow 
in  its  interpretation  of  what  constitutes  harmful  self-indulgence,  and 
is  more  solicitous  to  attain  complete  development  of  all  powers  of 
body  and  mind.  It  enters  all  respectable  vocations,  but  is  much 
occupied  also  with  liberal  avocations,  including  literature,  art, 
science,  and  citizenship.  Its  pleasures  are  of  all  kinds,  athletic, 
convivial,  and  intellectual,  including  enjoyment  of  the  arts ;  but  all 
pleasures  are  enjoyed  temperately. 

Table  XXI. — Types  of  Character 

M  1.   Forceful.  M  3.   Austere. 

M  2.   Convivial.  M  4.   Rationally  Conscientious. 


84  Inductive  Sociology 

Informatiou  upon  the  distribution  of  Types  of  Character  in  the  United  States 
may  be  found  in  census  reports,  the  statutes  of  the  several  commonwealths, 
the  rules  of  religious  denominations,  the  proceedings  of  religious,  reform,  and 
other  conventions,  and  the  testimony  of  individual  observers.  Statistics  of  the 
distribution  of  population  by  occupations  are  an  important  source  of  knowledge 
of  the  forceful  type.  Statistics  of  the  per  capita  distribution  of  saloons  and 
dance  halls  are  an  indication  of  the  distribution  of  the  convivial  type.  Restric- 
tive legislation  affecting  liquor  selling,  gambling,  prize-fighting,  horse-racing, 
and  the  use  of  tobacco  indicates  the  distribution  and  activity  of  the  austere  type 
(see  "Bulletin  of  State  Legislation,"  published  by  the  New  York  State  Library, 
Albany).  Statistics  of  the  distribution  of  independent  voting  throw  some  light 
upon  the  distribution  of  the  rationally  conscientious  type. 

Table  XXII.  —  Characteristic  Pleasures   to  be  looked   for 
IN  Each  Type  of  Character 

M  1.  Sensori-  or  Ideo-Motor:  Active. 

M  2.  Sensori-  or  Ideo-Motor:  Passive. 

M  3.  Sensori-  or  Ideo-Emotional :  Active. 

M  4.  Sensori-  or  Ideo-Emotional:  Passive. 

M  5.  Dogmatic-Emotional:  Active. 

M  6.  Dogmatic-Emotional:  Passive. 

M  7.  Intellectual:  Esthetic:  Active. 

M  8.  Intellectual:  ^Esthetic:  Passive. 

M  9.  Intellectual :  Scientific :  Active. 

M  10.  Intellectual:  Scientific:  Passive. 

Table  XXIII. — Traits  op  Character  found  more  or  less  in 

Each  Type 

M  1.  Courageous.  M  8.  Cleanly. 

M  2.  Magnanimous.  M  9.  Neat  and  Orderly. 

M  3.  Generous.  M  10.  Temperate. 

M  4.  Rarely  Industrious.  M  11.  Continent,  Chaste. 

M  5.  Irregularly  Industrious.  M  12.  Truthful. 

M  6.  Regularly  Industrious.  M  13.  Honest. 

M  7.  Frugal.  M  14.  Compassionate. 

Types  of  Mind 

By  combining  the  types  of  disposition  and  of  character 
with  the  types  of  motor-reaction,  of  emotion,  and  of  intel- 
lection, we  get  Types  of  Mind,  in  its  integrity. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  85 

The  readily  distinguishable  degrees  of  experience,  and  therefore 
of  appreciation,  were  found  to  be  four.  Accordingly,  for  the  sake  of 
precision  in  comparison  and  correlation,  we  have  in  the  further 
analysis  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance  adhered  to  a  fourfold 
subdivision,  even  when,  as  in  the  case  of  promptness  of  motor 
response,  or  as  in  the  case  of  strength  of  emotion,  a  twofold  sub- 
division would  for  many  purposes  do  as  well. 

We  are  now  to  discover  a  further  reason  for  holding  to  the  four- 
fold subdivision. 

Since  mental  phenomena  present  three  general  aspects,  namely, 
motor,  affective  (or  emotional),  and  intellective,  we  might  naturally 
look  for  three  types  of  mind,  according  as  one  or  another  phase 
of  mentality  predominates.  Other  considerations,  however,  suggest 
four  types,  corresponding  to  the  commonly  recognized  four  tempera- 
ments. A  more  scientific  determination  of  types  than  either  of  the 
foregoing  is  found  in  the  six  possible  arrangements  (in  order  of 
predominance  and  subordination)  of  the  three  fundamental  modes 
of  mental  phenomena.  Designating  each  of  the  three  by  a  letter, 
namely,  motor  reactions  by  M,  feeling  (affection  or  emotion)  by  E, 
and  the  intellective  aspect  by  I,  we  have  the  following  six  possi- 
bilities :  — 

MEI  EMI  IME 

MIE  EIM  lEM 

Of  these  six  arrangements,  two,  in  which  intellect  holds  the  third 
place,  namely,  MEI  and  EMI,  are  found  only  among  animals, 
human  babies,  and  defectives.  Among  normal  human  adults  intel- 
lect moves  forward  to  the  second  or  the  first  place,  and  we  have, 
therefore,  four  mental  types  of  normal  human  beings  of  adult  age, 
namely,  M  I  E,  E  I  M,  I  E  M,  and  I  M  E. 

Starting,  then,  with  these  four  arrangements,  we  should  group 
under  each  of  them  those  psychological  characteristics  of  motor  re- 
action, emotion,  intellection,  disposition,  and  character,  already  in- 
vestigated, that  are  found  to  be  usually  combined  in  the  same 
personality  or  class  of  persons. 

In  the  provisional  scheme  herewith  presented  there  are  thirty-six 
items  of  psychological  importance,  distributed  into  four  groups  of 
nine  items  each.  No  item  can  be  combined  with  another  item  in  the 
same  horizontal  line.  Making  allowance  for  this  limitation,  there 
remain  2,665,797,300,224  ways  in  which  the  thirty-six  items  can  be 
combined  in  a  scheme  of  four  columns  of  nine  items  each.     It  is 


86 


Inductive  Sociology 


therefore  conceivable  that  no  two  individuals  can  be  found  in  the 
world  sufficiently  alike  to  constitute  a  psychological  class.  Such  a 
conception,  however,  is  negatived  by  everyday  observation.  Certain 
combinations  of  traits  often  recur,  and  other  mathematically  possible 
combinations  never  occur.^  It  is  the  usual  combinations  only  that 
are  of  fundamental  importance  for  psychology  and  for  sociology.^ 

Having  regard  to  all  the  characteristics  grouped  in  each  column, 
we  may  give  descriptive  names  to  the  resulting  types  of  mind; 
calling  the  first  Ideo-Motor,  the  second  Ideo-Emotional,  the  third 
Dogmatic-Emotional,  and  the  fourth  Critical-Intellectual. 

COMPOSITION  OF  MENTAL  TYPES » 


MIE 
Ideo-Motor 

EIM. 
Ideo-Emotional 

lEM. 
Dogmatic- 
Emotional 

IME. 

Critical- 
Intellectual 

Promptness  of 

Prompt 

Prompt 

Slow 

Slow 

reaction. 

(i?i). 

(i?2). 

(i?3). 

(i24). 

Continuity  of 

Persistent 

Intermittent 

Intermittent 

Persistent 

activity. 

(^i). 

(-44). 

(^3). 

(^2). 

Largely 

Semi- 

Largely 

Largely 

Kind  of 

involuntary 

involuntary 

voluntary 

voluntary 

movement. 

(instinctive). 

(imitative, 

(coefficient 

(coefficient 

sympathetic). 

belief). 

judgment). 

Degree  of 

Strong 

Weak 

Strong 

Weak 

i 

emotion. 

(^i). 

(^3). 

(^2). 

(^4). 

'■§ 

Temperament. 

Choleric. 

Sanguine. 

Melancholic. 

Phlegmatic. 

■g 

Formation  of 

Subjectively 

Objectively 

Subjectively 

Objectively 

-s 

belief  or 

determined 

determined 

determined 

determined 

judgment. 

(by  instinct, 

(by  external 

(by  emotion. 

(by  evidence). 

^, 

habit  and 

suggestion : 

mood,  tem- 

o 

auto-  sug- 

personal or 

perament). 

g 

gestion). 

impersonal). 

S 

Mode  of 

Conjectural 

Imaginative 

Deductive 

Critical,  of 

reasoning. 

(guesswork) . 

(analogical). 

(speculative). 

premises  as 

May  be  criti- 

well as  of 

cal  of  logical 

logic:  induc- 

processes, 

tive. 

rarely  of 

premises. 

Disposition. 

Aggressive. 

Instigative. 

Domineering. 

Creative. 

Character. 

Forceful. 

Convivial. 

Austere. 

Rationally 
conscientious. 

1  "No  two  minds  were  ever  exactly  alike,  yet  all  follow  the  same  general 
laws."     Scripture,  "The  New  Psychology,"  p.  143. 

2  On  mental  and  practical  differences  and  resemblances  in  general,  as  mani- 
fested in  associating  individuals,  see  especially  Titchener,  "An  Outline  of  Psy- 
chology," pp.  110-116. 

8  This  analysis  of  Mental  Types  was  first  published  by  the  author  in  a  paper 
entitled,  "  A  Provisional  Distribution  of  the  Population  of  the  United  States 
into  Psychological  Classes,"  contributed  to  Tlie  Psychological  Beview,  Vol. 
VIII,  No.  4,  July,  1901. 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  8T 

Ideo-Motor.  —  This  is  the  lowest  type  of  the  human 
mind.  Its  activities  are  for  the  most  part  instinctive- 
Sensations,  simple  ideas,  and  motor  reactions  are  in  this 
type  not  merely  the  materials  out  of  which  mind  and 
practical  activity  are  built,  as  in  higher  types,  but  they 
are  a  chief  content  of  conscious  life.  Intellect  does  not 
develop  much  beyond  perception  and  conjecture.  Belief  is 
determined  mainly  by  instinct,  habit  and  auto-suggestion. 
The  disposition  is  aggressive  and  the  character  forceful. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  the  lowest  savages,  and  in  civil  popu- 
lations, by  the  physically  active  but  ignorant. 

IdeoJEmotional.  —  This  type  is  somewhat  weakly,  but 
almost  continuously  emotional  rather  than  physically 
active.  Its  intellect  is  imaginative,  its  beliefs  are  largely 
determined  by  external  suggestion,  and  it  habitually  rea- 
sons from  superficial  analogy.  It  is  instigative  in  dispo- 
sition and  convivial  in  character. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  all  the  higher  savages  and  barbarians, 
and  especially  by  the  negroes.  In  civil  populations  the  type  is 
found  in  two  gradations:  one,  the  emotional,  volatile  minds,  not 
densely  ignorant,  but  of  comparatively  little  intellectual  develop- 
ment, and  two,  the  sensuous,  imaginative,  artistically  creative  minds, 
of  higher  intellectual  development. 

Dogmatic-Emotional.  —  This  type  is  marked  by  an  ex~ 
treme  development  of  preferential  attention.  The  mind 
is  fixed  upon  some  one  dominant  idea,  or  group  of  ideas 
or  beliefs.  Such  controlling  ideas  arouse  great  volumes 
of  emotion,  which,  in  turn,  create  a  habit  of  intolerance. 
Belief,  in  this  type,  is  subjectively  determined  by  emotion, 
mood,  and  temperament.  Reasoning  is  habitually  deduc- 
tive, and,  while  much  nice  attention  may  be  given  to  the 
logical  process,  premises  are  seldom  subjected  to  a  search- 
ing criticism,  but  are  usually  accepted  on  trust.     Disposi- 


88  Inductive  Sociology 

tion  is  domineering  and  character  austere.  Persons  of 
this  type  have  often  been  useful  to  the  community  as 
reformers  or  even  as  martyrs,  but  they  are  seldom  tem- 
perate or  judicious  in  their  methods. 

Examples  may  be  found  in  barbarian  tribes  in  the  persons  of 
particular  individuals,  usually  sachems  or  chiefs;  in  civil  popula- 
tions in  (1)  persons  of  strong  and  domineering  convictions,  of  one 
idea,  and  (2)  in  dogmatically  speculative  minds. 

Critical'Intellectual,  —  The  highest  type  of  mind  is  that 
in  which  the  ideo-motor,  the  ideo-emotional,  and  the 
dogmatic-emotional  activities,  never  suppressed,  much 
less  destroyed,  are  habitually  kept  under  the  control  of 
a  critical  and  vigilant  intellect.  Clear  perceptions,  sound 
judgments,  objectively  determined  by  evidence  and  taking 
the  form  of  common  sense,  careful  reasoning,  deductive 
or  inductive,  a  habit  of  subjecting  premises  no  less  than 
logical  processes  to  a  searching  examination  —  these  intel- 
lectual activities  constitute  a  major  part  of  the  mental  life, 
and  keep  all  of  the  lower  processes  in  due  subordination. 
Intellect  in  this  type  may  be  deductive  and  critical  or 
critical  and  inductive.  Disposition  is  creative  and  char- 
acter rationally  conscientious. 

Examples  are,  highly  developed  minds  in  tribal  federations,  in 
€thnic  nations,  and  in  civic  nations. 

In  the  great  civilized  populations  of  mankind  the  critical  type  is 
now  widely  distributed.  In  times  of  great  excitement  large  numbers 
of  persons  who,  on  the  whole,  belong  to  this  type  relapse  into  the 
dogmatic-emotional,  or  even  into  an  ideo-emotional,  state.  For  the 
moment  their  higher  brain  activities  are  half  paralyzed,  and  fail  to 
do  their  controlling  work.  Nevertheless,  these  individuals,  usually 
and  normally  dominated  by  common  sense  and  reason,  must  be 
classed  in  the  critical  type. 

The  deductive  and  critical  intellects  may  further  be  subdivided 
into  the  aesthetic  and  the  scientific.  The  aesthetic  subdivision  in- 
cludes all  minds  that  are  imaginative  and  artistically  creative  if  they 


Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  89 

are  also  critical.  The  scientific  subdivision  includes  those  critically- 
logical  minds  that  work  by  deductive  and  systematizing  methods 
rather  than  by  induction,  but  always  with  a  due  regard  for  the 
validity  of  premises. 

These  intellects  are  uncompromising.  In  the  same  individual 
mind  intellect  must  dominate  faith  or  be  dominated  by  it.  The 
uncompromising  intellect  is  revolutionary  in  methods  of  social 
change.  The  best  examples  of  it,  both  aesthetic  and  scientific,  are 
found  in  the  population  of  France. 

The  inductive  intellects  are  compromising.  In  the  same  indi- 
vidual mind  intellect  can  make  terms  with  faith,  surrendering  to  it 
a  sphere  of  activity.  This  is  because  the  inductive  intellect  is  never 
able  to  believe  that  no  further  truth  remains  to  be  discovered.  The 
compromising  intellect  is  non-revolutionary  in  methods  of  social 
change.  The  best  examples  of  it  are  found  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
stock  of  England  and  the  United  States. 

Table  XXIV.  — Types  of  Mind 

M  1.   Ideo-Motor.  M  3.   Dogmatic-Emotional. 

M  2.   Ideo-Emotional.  M  4.   Critical-Intellectual. 

Before  this  table  can  be  filled  out  for  any  large  community,  —  for  example, 
the  United  States  or  any  state,  — it  must  be  filled  out  for  the  native  born  of  dif- 
ferent regions,  and  for  each  nationality.  For  a  provisional  distribution  of  the 
American  population  into  these  types  of  mind  see  Appendix  I. 

The  general  sources  of  information  upon  the  distribution  of  types  of  mind  in 
the  United  States  are :  Federal  and  State  Census  Reports,  Colonial  Records,  and 
the  testimony  of  individual  observers.  Special  materials  for  the  study  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  dogmatic-emotional  type  are:  Histories  of  witch  burners,  of 
Quaker  beaters,  of  the  Great  Awakening,  of  the  revivals  of  1834  and  1857,  of  the 
Millerite  excitement,  and  of  Second  Adventism,  Mormonism,  Spiritualism,  The- 
osophy,  and  Christian  Science,  of  the  Abolitionist,  Prohibitionist,  Single  Tax, 
Populist,  Free  Silver,  and  Anti-Imperialist  agitations. 

Table  XXV.  —  Sub-types  op  Critical  Intellect 

M  1.   Deductive    and    Critical:     M  2.   Deductive    and    Critical: 
Esthetic.  Scientific. 

M  3.   Critical  and  Inductive. 

Special  materials  for  the  study  of  the  distribution  of  the  deductive  and  critical 
intellect  are  art  products  and  literature,  science  and  philosophy,  with  analyses 
of  their  per  capita  geographical  distribution.  Special  materials  for  the  study  of 
the  distribution  of  the  inductive  intellect  are :  Records  of  exploration,  of  dis- 
covery, of  invention,  with  analyses  as  above. 


90  Inductive  Sociology 

Total  Resemhlance 

Any  quality  of  practical  action,  of  mind,  of  disposition, 
or  of  character  may  be  a  point  of  resemblance  between 
one  individual  and  another. 

The  total  number  of  points  of  resemblance  in  any  given 
case  may  be  called  the  Total  Resemblance. 

Degrees  of  Total  Resemblance.  —  Accordingly,  total  re- 
semblance may  be  of  greater  or  less  degree,  varying  with 
the  number  of  points  of  resemblance. 

Usually  the  degree  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
may  be  observed  to  correspond  to  the  degree  of  kinship. 

As  a  rule  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance  of  individuals  of 
the  same  nationality  is  greater  than  the  mental  and  practical  resem- 
blance of  individuals  of  different  nationalities  but  of  the  same  ethnic 
race ;  as  a  rule  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance  of  individuals 
of  the  same  ethnic  race  is  greater  than  the  mental  and  practical 
resemblance  of  individuals  of  different  ethnic  races,  but  of  the  same 
glottic  race,  and  so  on. 

Degrees  of  total  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  in  so  far  as 
they  correspond  to  degrees  of  kinship,  may  be  designated  by  the 
symbols  k\  A;",  A;'",  and  so  on;  k'  designating  the  greatest  degree  of 
such  resemblance,  fc"  a  lesser  degree,  and  so  on. 

Total  mental  and  practical  resemblance  may,  however, 
vary  irrespective  of  degrees  of  kinship. 

Two  individuals  of  different  nationalities,  or  even  of  different 
races,  may  more  closely  resemble  each  other  in  mind  and  activity 
than  do  two  other  individuals  of  the  same  nationality. 

Degrees  of  the  total  mental  and  practical  resemblance  that  varies 
irrespective  of  degrees  of  kinship  may  be  designated  by  m',  m",  m'", 
and  so  on ;  m'  designating  the  greatest  degree  of  such  resemblance, 
m"  a  lesser  degree,  and  so  on. 

A  potential  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  or  the  capacity  of 
two  or  more  minds  to  become  alike,  may  be  designated  by  v. 

The  theoretical  significance  of  these  distinctions  of  degree  will 
appear  in  the  following  chapter. 


CHAPTER   III 
The  Consciousness  of  Kind 

The  Subjective  Aspect 

In  the  preceding  chapter  the  modes  of  mental  and  prac-l 
tical  resemblance  were  viewed  as  objective  facts.     It  is 
necessary  now  to  analyze  the  subjective  phenomena  which, 
perhaps,  accompany  all  degrees  of  mental  and  practical  j 
resemblance,  and  certainly  are  found  in  connection  with 
the  higher  degrees. 

^^ Organic  Sympathy 

Before  there  is  any  distinct  perception  of  differences  or 
of  resemblances  by  individuals  who,  from  time  to  time, 
are  brought  into  contact  with  one  another,  there  are  in 
their  minds  differences  or  resemblances  of  sensation  corre- 
sponding to  differences  or  resemblances  of  response  to 
stimulus.  In  each  mind  also  are  differences  or  resemblances 
between  sensations  awakened  by  self  and  sensations 
awakened  by  fellow  beings,  (furthermore,  in  each  mind 
there  are  vague  feelings  of  repulsion  or  of  attraction,  and 
equally  vague  feelings  of  agreeableness  or  of  disagreeable- 
ness  in  the  presence  of  other  persons.  Collectively,  the 
resembling  sensations  of  resembling  individuals,  the  re- 
sembling sensations  of  self  and  of  others  who  resemble 
self,  and  the  accompanying  vague  feelings  of  attraction 
and  of  pleasure,  may  be  designated  by  the  phrase,  Organic  f 
^Srapatliy.\  * 


92  Inductive  Sociology 

^(J^  I   Like  Feelings  with  Like  Response.  —  The  basis  of  organio' 
sympathy  is  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance  itself. 

The  original  element  in  organic  sympathy  is  the  resemblance  of 
the  complex  of  sensations  in  one  mind  to  the  complex  of  sensations 
in  another  mind,  accompanying  the  like  response  of  the  two  similar 
nervous  organizations  to  the  same  or  like  stimuli. 


V(r 


Similarity  of  Sensations  of  Self  and  Others.  —  On  this 
basis,  experience  creates  groupings  of  other  resembling_ 
sensations  which  are  antecedent  to  perceptions  of  likeness, 
but  which  prepare  the  way  for  them. 

Passing  his  hands  over  his  mother's  face,  the  infant  experiences 
sensations  of  pressure  that  are  similar  to  the  sensations  that  he  re- 
ceives when  passing  his  hands  over  his  own  face;  but  when  he  strokes 
the  back  of  the  cat,  or  clutches  the  hair  of  the  dog,  he  receives  sen- 
sations unlike  those  that  he  experienced  when  feeling  his  own  face. 
From  his  own  voice  and  the  voices  of  his  brothers  and  sisters,  he 
receives  auditory  sensations  that  are  alike ;  but  different  from  these 
are  the  sensations  aroused  by  the  barking  of  the  dog,  or  the  mewing 
of  the  cat.  In  like  manner,  the  sensations  of  vision  and  of  smell 
that  are  awakened  by  his  own  bodily  organism,  and  by  the  bodily 
organisms  of  persons  resembling  himself,  are  alike;  while  between 
these  sensations  and  those  awakened  by  various  animals,  the  differ- 
ence is  conspicuous.  So,  throughout  life,  the  child  growing  into  the 
man  is  continually  receiving  from  his  own  bodily  organism,  and  from 
the  closely  resembling  bodily  organisms  of  individuals  like  himself, 
sensations  that  are  in  a  high  degree  alike ;  while  sensations  different 
from  these  are  being  received  from  other  objects  of  every  kind. 

^*  Facility  of  Imitation.  —  Animals  or  persons  that  closely 
resemble  one  another  in  nervous  organization  imitate  one_ 
Tacilit^ 


Often  imitation  is  incited  by  conspicuous  difference,  but  the 
greater  the  difference  between  one  organism  and  another,  the  more 
difficult  is  any  imitation  of  one  by  the  other.  Like  response  to  like 
stimulus  easily  develops  into  an  imitation,  in  minor  matters  —  in 
details  of  difference  —  of  one  another  by  creatures  that,  on  the  whole, 
are  alike  rather  than  unlike. 


The   Consciousness  of  Kind  93 

ff,  •  Sensations  of  Meeting.  —  When  two  persons  who  have 
never  before  seen  one  another  unexpectedly  meet,  some- 
thing happens  in  the  nervous  organization  of  each  which, 
when  examined,  would  have  to  be  described  as  a  physi- 
cal shock,  and  something  happens  in  the  consciousness 
of  each  which  would  have  to  be  described  as  either  a 
shock  of  unpleasant  feeling,  or  as  a  thrill  of  pleasurable 
feeling. 


The  feeling  of  shock,  surprise,  anger,  disgust,  which  may  happen 
to  be  the  experience  in  the  case,  is  due  to  a  very  complicated  impres- 
sion of  unlikeness  which  the  stranger  makes.  The  impression  is 
composed  of  sensations  of  many  kinds:  sensations  of  sight,  sensa- 
tions of  hearing,  perhaps,  also,  sensations  of  odour  and  of  touch. 
The  man's  appearance,  as  seen  with  the  eye,  may  be  repellent  or 
threatening ;  his  voice  may  grate  unpleasantly  on  the  ear ;  the  touch 
of  his  hand  may  create  something  closely  akin  to  a  shudder. 

When,  however,  the  experience  is  a  thrill  of  pleasure,  the  effect  is 
produced  by  a  complex  combination  of  impressions  of  unlikeness 
with  impressions  of  likeness ;  namely,  impressions  of  the  difference 
of  the  stranger  from  the  person  who  encounters  him,  with  impressions 
of  his  apparent  resemblance.  It  is  instantly  clear  that  this  hitherto 
unknown  individual  has  his  own  distinctive  personality;  he  is  in 
many  respects,  perhaps  in  outward  appearance,  perhaps  in  tone  of 
voice,  almost  certainly  in  mind  and  character,  different  from  the  one 
who  confronts  him.  At  the  same  time,  there  is  something  recog- 
nizable and  familiar  about  him.  The  fundamental  resemblances  of 
the  two  persons  are  sufficiently  great  to  dominate  their  differences, 
which,  for  the  moment,  become  relatively  unimportant. 

It  is  quite  possible  for  the  first  impression  made  by  a  stranger  to 
awaken  little  more  than  sensation  and  emotion.  Thoughts,  ideas, 
perceptions,  in  the  strict  meaning  of  these  words,  may  hardly  enter 
into  the, matter  at  all. 

The  mere  sensations  of  meeting,  then,  may  be  analyzed,  observed, 
and  recorded,  as  disagreeable  or  agreeable. 

Table  XXVI.  —  Sensations  op  Meeting 

M  1.   Disagreeable.  M  2.   Agreeable. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 


^4  Inductive  Sociology 

Qf*  Total  Organic  Sympathy. — All  of  the  phenomena  above 
described  enter  into  the  composition  of  that  vague  but 
positive  state,  organic  sympathy. 


Similarities  of  sensation  in  general  in  the  minds  of  resembling 
individuals ;  similarities  of  sensation  of  self  and  of  others  resembling 
self;  spontaneous  imitations,  easily  effected  among  like  individuals 
because  their  differences  are  trifling  in  comparison  with  their  re- 
semblances ;  and  sensations  of  meeting  that  on  the  whole  are  agree- 
able ;  these  collectively  develop  into  that  attraction  for  one  another 
which  is  daily  seen  among  resembling  men,  as  it  is  also  among 
resembling  animals,  and  which  lies  deeper  in  consciousness  than  any 
clear  perception  of  resemblance.  Creatures  that  presumably  have 
no  power  of  intellectual  discrimination  manifest  the  attractions  of 
organic  sympathy.  Human  beings  quite  capable  of  nice  discrimina- 
tion often  find  themselves  liking  or  disliking  one  another  when  they 
can  give  no  reason  for  their  feeling. 


i 


Degrees  of  Organic  Sympathy.  —  The  careful  observer 
will  not  fail  to  discover  that  human  beings  differ  among 
themselves  in  their  power  of  organic  sympathy.  In  some 
persons  organic  sympathy  is  strong,  in  others  of  medium, 
strength,  in  others  weak. 

These  terms,  like  many  that  have  already  been  used  in  these 
pages,  are  purely  relative.  To  give  them  meaning  for  purposes  of 
measurement,  the  observer  must  take  as  his  standard  of  strong 
organic  sympathy  some  one  individual  or  type  whose  characteristics 
admit  of  careful  observation  and  description.  One  possible  standard 
for  organic  sympathy  is  the  organic  sympathy  of  mother  and  babe. 

Table  XXVII.  —  Degrees  of  Organic  Sympathy 

V 

M  1.   Strong.  M  2.   Medium.  M  3.   Weak. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 


<9 


Perception  of  Resemblance 

When  the  child  begins  to  combine  sensations  of  the 
moment  with  memories  of  similar  sensations  in  the  past, 
and  to  connect  these  immediate  and  memory  sensations 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  95 

with  the  objects  that  have  produced  them,  the  process  of 
perception  has  begun.  The  child  now  has  not  only  like 
and  unlike  sensations,  but  also  Perceptions  of  Likeness  and 
Unlikeness.  These  are  much  more  complicated  mental 
^^ates. 

[  3j  Perceptions  of  Difference  and  of  Reseniblance.  —  It 
^eems  probable  that  perceptions  of  unlikeness  appear 
earlier  inthe^  experience  ^f^everyindividual  than  per- 
ceptions  of  likeiiess„  Indeed,  likeness  can  be  distin- 
guished  from  absolute  identity  only  by  perceptions  of  the 
differences  that  exist  between  things  that  are  in  certain 
respects  alike. 

In  the  process  of  becoming  acquainted,  the  differences  between 
one  individual  and  another  are  first  observed ;  and  a  sense  of  differ- 
ence is  always  present  in  the  mind  to  be  more  or  less  overcome  by 
any  growing  sense  of  similarity. 

As  individuals  differ  in  their  power  of  organic  sympathy,  so  do 
they  differ  also  in  their  power  to  perceive  differences  and  resem- 
blances. Some  men's  perceptions  are  keen,  some  are  of  medium 
acuteness,  some  are  dull.  Before  recording  and  tabulating  observa- 
tions a  standard  of  comparison  must  be  chosen  and  described. 

Table  XXVIII.  —  Degrees  of  Perception  of  Difference  and 

Resemblance 

M  1.   Keen.  M  2.   Medium.  M  3.   Dull. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 

Q^ ,  Impressions  of  Meeting.  —  With  the  attainment  of  clear 
perceptions  of^fferences^andjresemblances^the  mere  sen- 
sations  of  meeting  are  merged  in  complex  Impressions  of 
Heeting.  On  the  intellectual  side  these  are  impressions 
of  difference  or  impressions  of  resemblance.  Accompany- 
ing these,  however,  are  emotional  states,  which  are  mani- 
fested in  the  attitude  of  strangers  toward  one  another. 

(jr»  Attitude  toward  Strangers.  —  According  as  the  impres- 
sions  are,   on   the   whole,   impressions   of  difference   or 


S'    • 


96  Inductile  Sociology 

impressions  of  resemblance,  the  general  attitude  of  'strain- 
gers  toward  one  another  is  one  of  wonder  and  curiosity ; 
of  fear,  suspicion,  and  unfriendliness ;  of  indifference ;  or 
of  trust  and  friendliness.  Observations  should  be  made  of 
all  these  emotional  manifestations. 

Table  XXIX.  —  Attitude  toward  Strangers 


M   1.   Wonder.  ,    M  5.    Suspicion. 

M  2.   Curiosijty.      ,      .       ,    M   6.   Trust 
M  3.    Indifference. '    '     '  '    M   7.    Friendliness. 
^M  4.   j;ear^      '    'J''"  Y,'"'^'  M  8.    Unfriendliness. 
Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 

C*  TJie  Motives  of  Communication.  —  The  first  impressions 
of  meeting;  are  usually  confused.  Impressions  of  diiler- 
ence  and  impressions  of  resemblance  are  so  mingled  in 
the  mind  that  one  is  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  degree 
of  resemblance  and  the  possible  interest  and  pleasure  of 
further  acquaintance.  The  desire  to  impart  and  to  gain 
a  more  definite  knowledge  on  these  points  is  the  original 
motive  of  communication.  ""   ."  ,     ,    '     ^  " 

The  desire  to  impart  must  probably  be  placed  first.  In  all  com- 
munication we  can  discover  in  each  communicating  person  a  desire 
to  make  an  impression.  Subordinate  to  this  desire,  in  most  instances, 
appears  to  be  the  desire  to  know  well  the  other  person. 

After  acquaintance  is  established  much  communication  takes 
place,  which  seems  to  spring  from  an  interest  in  the  subject  that 
is  talked  about.  We  give  and  ask  information  about  third  parties 
or  material  things,  as  well  as  about  ourselves.  Even  then,  however, 
the  other  motives  that  have  been  mentioned  can  always  be  detected ; 
and  it  is  probable  that  in  all  cases  they  are  really  the  predominant 
ones,  although  we  are  not  always  conscious  of  the  fact. 

Table  XXX. — The  Motives  of  Communication    , 

To  Perfect  Acquaintance  by  Impression.  s  ,.    h    ' 

To  Perfect  Acquaintance  by  Learning  about  Another.       , 
To  Gain  or  Impart  Information.  •> 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  97 

Reflective  Sympathy 

When  the  perception  ofj;esemblance  has  arisen  in  con- 
sciousness,  it  reacts  upon  organic  sympathy,  and  converts 
or  develops  it  into  ai^Intelli^ent^  or  Re  fleet  ive^SympathY. 
teeflective  sympathy  is  awaken^d^  by  the  distinctjmowl^ 
edp^e  that  another  person  is  like  one's  self  j 

The  phenomenon  was  first  clearly  and  accurately  described  by 
Spinoza,  in  the  "  Ethic,"  Part  III,  Prop.  XXVII. 

"  Although  we  may  not  have  been  moved  toward  a  thing  by  any 
affect,  yet,  if  it  is  like  ourselves,  whenever  we  imagine  it  to  be 
affected  by  any  affect,  we  are  therefore  affected  by  the  same.  .  .  . 
If,  therefore,  the  nature  of  the  external  body  be  like  that  of  our 
body,  then  the  idea  of  the  external  body  which  we  imagine  will 
involve  an  affection  of  our  body  like  that  of  the  external  body. 
Therefore,  if  we  imagine  any  one  who  is  like  ourselves  to  be  affected 
with  any  affect,  this  imagination  will  express  an  affection  of  our 
body  like  that  affect;  and,  therefore,  we  shall  be  affected  with  a 
similar  affect  ourselves,  because  we  imagine  something  like  us  to  be 
affected  with  the  same." 

In  other  words,  when  we  perceive  that  some  one  who  is  organized 
as  we  are  is  doing  a  certain  thing,  we  feel  the  impulse  to  act  as  he 
acts.  If  he  appears  to  be  in  pain,  we  feel  a  certain  discomfort  or 
even  a  certain  degree  of  the  pain  that  he  experiences.  If  he  is 
evidently  in  a  state  of  great  joy,  we  also  feel  a  certain  degree  of 
gladness. 

The  relative  degrees  of  reflective  sympathy  should  be  observed 
and  estimated  according  to  the  method  explained  for  the  estimation 
of  degrees  of  organic  sympathy,  and  perceptions  of  difference  and 
resemblance. 

Table  XXXI. — Degrees  of  Reflective  Sympathy 

M   1.   Strong.  M   2.   Medium.  M  3.  Weak. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 

Qy  Affection 

The  perception  of  resemblance  and  cons cious^jmpatb^ 
gommonTy  develop  into  tEe^  stronger  feeling"which  is  vari- 
ously  njined  Liking.  Friendliness^  and  Affection,  accord- 


98  Inductive  Sociology 

ing  to  the  degree  of  its  strength.  Those  individuals  who, 
as  we  say,  have  something  in  common,  that  is,  those  who 
are  so  much  alike  that  they  are  sympathetic  and  have  simi- 
lar ideas  and  tastes,  on  the  whole  like  one  another  better 
than  individuals  who  have  little  or  nothing  in  common. 

We  must  not  make  the  mistake,  however,  of  supposing  that  in  all 
cases  the  strongest  affection  springs  up  between  persons  who,  at  the 
moment  of  their  first  acquaintance,  are  actually  very  much  alike  in 
mental  and  moral  qualities.  Perhaps  the  more  frequent  case  is  that 
of  a  growing  affection  between  persons  potentially  alike.  Apparently 
it  is  the  capacity  of  two  or  more  persons  to  become  alike  in  mental 
and  moral  nature,  under  each  other's  influence,  that  gives  rise  to  the 
strongest  friendship  and  the  highest  degree  of  pleasure  in  compan- 
ionship. 

Degrees  of  affection  as  strong,  medium,  or  weak  should  be  ob- 
served and  estimated  by  the  method  heretofore  described  for  the 
estimation  of  the  degrees  of  organic  sympathy. 

Table  XXXII.  —  Degrees  of  Affection 

M  1.   Strong.  M  2.   Medium.  M  3.   Weak. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 


fy 


Desire  for  Recognition 

A  remaining  mental  fact  to  be  noted  as  a  subjective  con- 
sequence of  resemblance,  is  the  desire  which  an  individual 
fppls  fnr  Rpp^gr>if.j(^p ,  JrHjifjIng  p  r^tiim  oi  sympathy  and 

affection. 

•' 

This  phenomenon  also  was  first  clearly  described  by  Spinoza  in 
Prop.  XXXIII.  of  Part  III.  of  the  "  Ethic  "  :  "  If  we  love  a  thing 
which  is  like  ourselves,  we  endeavour  as  much  as  possible  to  make  it 
love  us  in  return." 

When  a  person  perceives  that  his  acquaintance  resembles  himself 
in  mind  and  character,  and  is  conscious  of  a  certain  sympathy  and 
affection  for  his  acquaintance,  he  looks  for  some  manifestation  of  in- 
terest in  himself.  He  expects  the  acquaintance  also  to  recognize 
the  points  of  similarity,  and  to  show  feelings  of  sympathy  and  lik- 
ing. This  state  of  mind  is  the  basis  of  some  of  the  most  important 
passions,  such  as  pride  and  ambition. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  99 

The  relative  degrees  of  the  desire  for  recognition  should  be  ob- 
served and  estimated  by  the  method  explained  for  the  estimation  of 
the  degrees  of  organic  sympathy. 

Table  XXXIII.  —  Degrees  of  Desire  for  Kecognition 

M   1.   Strong.  M  2.   Medium.  M  3.   Weak. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 


(^  The  Total  Consciousness  of  Kind-^ 

The_five  modes _of_consci^^ 
dgscribed  arenot^jndependpnt.  of  017^  fl.nnthpr.  They  are 
so  intimately  blended  that  it  is  only  by  a  process  of  scien- 
tific analysis  that  they  can  be  thought  of  singly.  In 
actual  experience  they  are  united  in  a  state  of  mind  that 
for  the  moment  seems  perfectly  simple.  The  perception 
of  resemblance,  the  sympathy,  the  affection,  and  the 
desire  for  recognition  that  go  with  it,  seem,  for  the  time 
being,  to  be  as  perfectly  one  fact  of  consciousness  as  does 
the  image  of  a  person  or  of  a  landscape  upon  the  retina  of 
the  eye.  This  state  of  consciousness  is  pleasurable,  and  in-^ 
eludes  the  feeling  that  we  wish  to  maintain  it  and  expand 
it.  The  feeling  that  it  carries  with  it  is,  in  fact,  like  that, 
which  one  experiences  while  engaged  in  a  pleasurable- 
game  or  witnessing  an  engrossing  drama.  One  does  not 
stop  to  ask  whether  it  is  useful  or  worth  while  any  more 
than  he  does  when  eagerly  looking  forward  to  the  next 
successful  move  on  a  chessboard.  He  enjoys  it  while  'it 
lasts,  and  feels  that  it  is  worth  while  in  itself,  quite  irre- 
spective of  any  consequences  that  may  follow. 

The  consciousness  of  kind,  then,  is  that  pleasurable  state 
of  mindjwhich  includes  organic  sympathy,  the  perception 
of  resemblance,  conscious  or  reiJectitip-  aym/pnthy^ 
and  the  desire  for  recognition. 

There  are  two  groups  of  indications  of  the  consciousness  of  kind 
in  any  community  which  may  be  made  use  of  for  the  purpose  of  esti- 


100  Inductive  Sociology 

mating  extent  and  degree.  One  group  is  made  up  of  the  words  and 
phrases  in  common  use  significant  of  a  consciousness  of  kind.  The 
other  group  is  made  up  of  common  acts  and  prejudices  of  like 
significance. 

The  observer  should  not  begin  his  search  for  these  indications 
with  a  list  already  made  in  his  own  mind.  Rather,  as  he  encounters 
expressions  and  observes  acts  which  at  the  moment  strike  him  as 
having  significance  as  such  indications,  he  should  record  and  classify 
them,  and  then  make  up  his  lists  from  materials  so  obtained. 

Table  XXXIV.  —  Words  and  Phrases  in  Common  Use  Signifi- 
cant OF  A  Consciousness  of  Kind 

M   1.   Very  Few.  M  3.   Numerous. 

M   2.   Few.  M  4.   Very  Numerous. 

Table  XXXV. — Common  Acts  and  Prejudices  Significant  of 
A  Consciousness  of  Kind 

M  1.   Very  Few.  M  3.   Numerous. 

M  2.   Few.  M  4.   Very  Numerous. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers,     i 


The  Consciousness  of  Potential  Resemblance 

A  relatively  perfect  consciousness  of  kind  can  exist  only 
in  minds  that  are  in  a  high  degree  alike.  In  every  popu- 
lation, however,  a  large  proportion  of  its  component  indi- 
viduals, not  yet  in  a  high  degree  mentally  alike,  are 
gradually  becoming  alike.  The  consciousness  of  Potential 
Resemblance  which  may  be  observed  in  minds  that  are 
thus  developing  into  resemblance  is  a  phenomenon  of  the 
social  mind  not  less  important  than  the  consciousness  of 
kind  already  relatively  perfect. 

-Potential  Resemblance. — We  all  know  from  personal 
experience  that  there  are  some  minds  among  our  acquaint- 
ances that  never  become  more  sympathetic  with  our  own. 
The  oftener  we  engage  in  argument  with  them  the  further 
apart  do  they  and  we  seem  to  drift.  With  other  minds 
the  case  is  wholly  different.     The  ripening  of  acquaintance 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  101 

is  the  ripening  of  sympathy  and  agreement.  Our  differ- 
ences disappear  or  become  of  little  consequence.  We  learn 
to  see  things  in  the  same  light  and  to  regard  them  with 
the  same  feelings.  This  organization  of  twoor  more 
minds^  which  makes  th&jr  approach  or  a^reemerit^grtaiii, 
is  the  thing  which  is  meant  by  the  term  "  potential  resem- 
blance/^. 

The  Consciousness  of  Mental  Approach. — Accordingly, 
the  consciousness  of  potential  resemblance  is  a  subjective 
phenomenon  somewhat  more  complex  than  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind  as  thus  far  described.  It  includes  the  ordi- 
nary perceptions  of  difference  and  of  resemblance ;  but 
combined  with  these  is  the  further  perception  that  the 
differences  are  decreasing  and  the  resemblances  increasing ; 
or,  perhaps,  the  judgment  that  the  differences  probably 
will  decrease  and  the  resemblances  increase.  As  potential 
resemblance  develops  into  actual  and  perfected  resemL- 
blahce,  the  consciousness  of  potential  resemblance  becomes 
jrrelatively  pertect  consciousness  of  kind.  ■'' 


Assimilation  or  Socialization 


The  process  of  mental  "appTfoaclTw^  these 

two  aspects,  objective  and  subjective  —  the  growing  re- 
semblance of  two  or  more  minds  to  one  another,  and  the 
developing  consciousness  ofkind  in  each  one  —  is  famil- 
iarly known  as"  Assimilation.  It  may  also  be  called 
Socialization*    ? 


To  a  great  extent  socialization  is  deliberately  furthered  by  various 
acts  of  concerted  volition,  yet  to  be  described  in  following  chapters. 
In  its  beginnings,  however,  socialization  is  very  largely  an  uncon- 
scious, or  only  semi-conscious,  process,  consisting  in  a  modification 
of  the  emotions  and  thoughts  of  potentially-resembling  individuals 
by  one  another  in  ways  which  they  do  not  clearly  perceive  at  the 
moment ;  and  in  the  gradual  discovery  that,  without  realizing  exactly 
how,  they  are  becoming  alike.  « 


102  Inductive  Sociology 

The  Socialization  of  Motives  and  Methods.  —  The  pro- 
cess consists  in  part  in  a  gradual  socialization  of  the 
motives  and  methods  of  appreciation,  utilization,  and 
characterization.  Under  the  influence  of  a  growing  con- 
sciousness of  kind  purely  individualistic  motives  and 
methods  are  made  over  or  converted  into  socialized 
motives  and  methods. 

1.  The  Conversion  of  Individualistic  Motives.  —  The 
pleasures  of  physical  activity,  receptive  sensation,  and 
simple  ideation  among  the  motives  of  appreciation,  and 
mere  need  among  the  motives  of  utilization,  are  least  sus- 
ceptible of  modification.  The  pleasures  of  emotion  and  of 
thought,  the  sense  of  power,  rational  desire,  and  the  sense 
of  proportion  in  life,  are  modifiable  in  a  high  degree. 
Intermediate  in  capacity  of  modification  are  such  motives 
as  appetite  and  desire. 

Few  if  any  of  our  appetites  and  desires  are  what  they  would  have 
been  if  each  individual  had  lived  by  himself,  in  contact  only  with  the 
physical  world  and  lower  forms  of  life.  To  a  great  extent  we  culti- 
vate certain  appetites,  and  repress  others,  merely  because  our  asso- 
ciates do  so. 

It  is  as  factors  of  a  growing  consciousness  of  kind  that  new  desires 
arise  as  motives  of  characterization,  for  example,  the  desires  for  es- 
teem and  for  praise;  and  that  new  combinations  of  appetite  and  sym- 
pathy develop  into  that  powerful  moral  motive,  the  very  names  of 
which,  —  kindness,  affection,  love,  —  are  significant  of  its  origin. 
This  motive  manifests  itself  in  a  new  mode  of  conduct,  namely,  self- 
sacrifice.  Affection  and  self-sacrifice  probably  originate  in  organic 
sympathy,  but  are  greatly  strengthened  by  the  intellectual  perception 
of  resemblance. 

Table  XXXVI.  —  Degree  of  Socialization  of  Motives 
M  1.   Slight  Extent.  M  2.   Great  Extent. 

2.  The  Conversion  of  Individualistic  Methods.  —  Of  the 
methods  of  appreciation,  utilization,  and  characterization, 


The   Consciousness  of  Kind  105 

the  least  modifiable  by  the  consciousness  of  kind  are  in- 
stinctive response  to  stimulus,  and  attack.  Modifiable  in 
the  highest  degree  are  preferential  attention,  critical  inspec- 
tion, direction,  and  self-control. 

Direction  is  greatly  modifiable  because  of  the  effect  of  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  upon  impression.  Impression  itself  produces 
two  very  different  effects.  One  effect  is  fear,  which  may  become 
terror,  and  terminate  in  paralysis;  the  other  is  fascination  and 
pleasure.  The  one  mode  of  impression  is  the  cause  of  submission, 
surrender,  and  the  abject  kind  of  obedience;  the  other  mode  of 
impression  is  the  cause  of  loyalty,  fealty,  and  the  voluntary  attach- 
ment to  a  leader. 

The  effect  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  upon  the  fear-inspiring- 
mode  of  impression  is  reflected  in  the  saying  that  familiarity  breeds 
contempt.  The  sense  of  difference  and  its  accompanying  sense  of 
mystery  are  a  large  element  in  fear.  These  disappear  with  the  dis- 
covery of  resemblance.  Rulers  and  dignitaries  who  wish  to  inspire 
fear  surround  themselves  with  an  air  of  mystery,  and  foster  the  pub- 
lic delusion  that  in  some  inexplicable  way  they  are  unlike  other  men. 
The  effect  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  upon  the  fascination-produc- 
ing mode  of  impression  is  to  intensify  devotion.  The  more  "in 
touch  "  a  leader  is  with  his  followers,  —  that  is  to  say,  the  more  like 
them  he  is  in  every  respect  except  his  superior  sagacity  and  power, 
the  more  blind  and  unswerving  is  their  allegiance. 

Table  XXXVII.  —  Degree  op  Socialization  op  Methods 
M  1.   Slight  Extent.  M  2.  Great  Extent. 

Deeper  Causes  of  Assimilation.  —  Every  phenomenon  in 
nature  presents  three  aspects,  namely,  original  Similarities 
of  action,  original  oppositions  or  Conflicts  of  action,  and 
imitations  or  Adaptations  of  action.^ 

1  Professor  Gabriel  Tarde  has  constructed  not  only  a  system  of  sociology,  but 
also  a  complete  system  of  philosophy  on  the  basis  of  these  three  aspects  of  natural 
phenomena.  See  "  Les  Lois  de  I'Imitation,"  "La  Logique  Sociale,"  "  L'Oppo- 
sition  Universelle,"  and  "  Les  Lois  Sociales."  Professor  Tarde,  however,  seems 
to  identify  imitation  with  similarity  or  agreement  rather  than  with  accommoda- 


V\ 


104  Inductive  Sociology 

Inthe  growth  of  a  consciousness  of  kind  among  individr 
uals  potentially  alike,  and  m  tEe^radual  socialization  of 
Jnotives^nJ  methods,  we  may  at  every  moment  observe 
botE^ conflicts  and  similarities  of  action,  and  imitation.) 

At  the  beginning  of  acquaintance  difference  is  more  conspicuous 
than  likeness,  and  the  phenomenon  of  communication  is  for  the  most 
part  one  of  opposition  or  conflict.  From  the  first,  however,  there 
are  some  like  responses  to  like  stimuli.  Little  by  little  the  conflicts 
are  softened  and  the  like  responses  are  multiplied  through  the  con- 
tinuing modification  of  activities  by  imitation.  The  modification, 
however,  is  never  carried  so  far  as  to  do  away  entirely  with  opposi- 
tion. Conflict  persists  in  the  social  mind  side  by  side  with  imitar 
tion.  These  two  aspects,  social  imitation  and  the  persistence  of 
conflict,  deserve  more  detailed  examination. 


YD 


\  J  Social  Imitation. —-We  imitate  one  another  because 
our  nervous  apparatus  is  so  organized  that  any  sight,  or 
sound,  or  touch,  is  a  stimulus  which  results  in  muscular 
movements  that,  by  long  habitj  have  become  associated 
with  such  stimuli. 

If,  for  example,  one  person  sees  another  reach  out  a  hand  for  a 
glass  of  water,  the  chances  are  that  the  observer,  unless  he  stops  to 
think  about  it,  and  deliberately  restrains  himself,  also  will  reach  out 
to  take  a  glass  of  water,  if  one  is  near  him.  We  imitate  then,  ex- 
cept when  we  consciously  restrain  ourselves,  and  we  do  not'  restrain 
if  the  action  imitated  is  pleasurable  and  is  obviously  conducive  to 
well-being.  In  this  latter  case  our  conscious  will  reenforces  the  ten- 
dency to  imitate,  and  we  deliberately  repeat  our  own  and  one 
another's  acts  indefinitely.  In  this  way  conscious  imitations  may 
extend  to  populations  numbered  by  millions,  and  be  kept  up  for 

tion,  and  to  make  accommodation  consist  in  the  harmonizing  of  imitation  and 
conflict.  In  criticism  of  Professor  Tarde's  views  the  student  should  inquire 
whether  it  cannot  be  shown,  (1)  that  a  large  proportion  of  all  similarities  of  motion 
or  change,  physical  or  psychical,  are  original  and  not  products  of  imitation ; 
(2)  that  imitation  always  contains  a  coefficient  of  conflict ;  (3)  that  all  accommo- 
dations are  imitations  within  Professor  Tarde's  definition  of  imitation  ;  and 
(4)  that  each  of  the  imitations  that  Professor  Tarde  has  described  in  detail  is  an 
■accommodation  within  the  accepted  evolutionist  meaning  of  the  latter  word.      i 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  105 

thousands  of  years.  Modern  civilization  is  the  continuing  imitation 
of  Greece  and  Rome. 

Not  all  imitations,  however,  indefinitely  survive.  The  imitation 
of  examples  in  any  way  remarkable  tends  to  overcome  or  to  combine 
lesser  imitations.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  in  each  nation,  and  in 
each  local  subdivision  of  a  national  population,  certain  habits,  such 
as  customs  in  eating,  clothing,  and  amusements,  are  practically  uni- 
versal there,  but  are  not  found  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  In  every 
population,  therefore,  there  may  be  observed  a  general  approach  to 
certain  persistent  types  of  action,  expression,  and  character.  This, 
is  the  socializing  process  in  its  most  subtle  and  efficacious  mode.  It 
is  this  that  ultimately  blends  the  diverse  elements  of  the  most 
heterogeneous  population  into  a  homogeneous  type.  It  creates  a 
common  speech,  common  modes  of  thought,  and  common  standards 
of  living.  By  destroying  and  softening  many  original  differences  of 
speech,  belief,  and  practice,  it  promotes  intermarriage.  These 
influences  are  gradually  assimilating  the  foreign-born  elements  in 
the  population  of  the  United  States  to  an  American  type. 

The  phenomena  of  social  imitation  should  be  studied  by  observing 
and  recording  specific  imitations  of  individuals  by  individuals,  of 
nationalities  by  nationalities,  of  races  by  races,  and  of  communities 
by  communities. 


Table  XXXVIII. 

—  Specific 

Imitations 

M  1. 

In  Language. 

M     7. 

In  Worship. 

M  2. 

In  Manners. 

M     8. 

In  Education. 

M  3. 

In  Costumes. 

M     9. 

In  Economic  Arts. 

M  4. 

In  Amusements. 

M  10. 

In  Morals. 

M  5. 

In  Poetic  Arts. 

M   11. 

In  Law. 

M  6. 

In  Plastic  Arts.    , . 

M   12. 

In  Politics. 

(1)    The  Laws  of  Imitation,  —  There  are  two  great  laws 
of  imita^n,  which  have  been  formulated  by  M.  Tarde. 
. ;  Tho^r^'  is  the  law  of  progression.     In  the  absence  of 
interferences,  imitations  spread  in  a  geometrical  progression. 

If  a  new  example  is  copied  by  a  single  individual,  there  are  im- 
mediately two  example  centres.  If  each  is  again  copied  by  a  single 
individual,  there  are  four  example  centres,  and  if  each  of  these  is 
copied  by  a  single  individual,  the  example  centres  become  eight.     It 


106  Inductive  Sociology 

is  the  geometrical  progression  of  imitation  that  accounts  for  the  ex- 
treme rapidity  with  which  new  words,  new  fashions,  fads,  panics, 
and  revolutions-soa^etimes  spread. 

The/second  l^w  of  imitation  is  the  law  of  refraction. 
Imitatmns  are  refracted  hy  their  media. 

Words,  customs,  laws,  religions,  and  institutions  are  modified  as 
they  pass  from  race  to  race  and  from  age  to  age. 

[2]  Hie  Persistence  of  Conflict.  —  Because  they  are 
reacted,  imitations  are  never  perfect;  and  because  con- 
tinually undergoing  modification,  they  tend  to  multiply 
and  subdivide,  and  become  differentiated.  For  this  reason 
there  may  arise  in  any  society  a  conflict  among  imitations. 
When  this  happens,  one  of  two  results  must  follow.  If 
the  conflicting  imitations  are  irreconcilable,  one  must  give 
way  to  the  other.  If,  however,  they  can  be  combined,  the 
outcome  may  be  an  entirely  new  thing  or  mode  of  activity ; 
namely,  an  invention. 

The  most  important  of  the  conflicts  between  imitations  is  that 
between  imitations  of  things  old,  venerable,  long-standing,  and  the 
imitation  of  novelty.  The  one  kind  of  imitation  we  call  custom ; 
the  other  we  call  fashion.  At  times  custom  imitation  encroaches 
upon  fashion ;  at  other  times  fashion  seems  to  encroach  upon  custom. 

While,  therefore,  imitation  on  the  whole  softens  conflict  and 
assimilates  the  unlike  elements  of  a  population,  it  at  times  becomes 
itself  a  cause  of  fresh  conflict  and  an  obstacle  to  assimilation. 

Thus,  notwithstanding  the  socializing  motives,  there  re- 
main in  a  population  persistent  causes  of  the  more  serious 
modes  of  conflict. 

First,  of  course,  are  the  instincts  of  conquest  proper  to  utilization, 
which  are  kept  alive  by  the  necessity  of  destroying  life  to  maintain 
life,  and  the  instincts  of  aggression  that  are  kept  alive  by  the  oppo- 
sition always  met  with  by  those  individuals  and  populations  that 
develop  more  rapidly  than  others.  Wherever  civilization  finds  itself 
face  to  face  with  savagery,  or  a  young  and  growing  civilization  finds 
itself  opposed  to  one  old  and  decaying,  the  antagonism  is  mortal. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  107 

Secondly,  there  are  original  differences  of  nature  and  habit  that 
have  not  yet  been  blended  or  neutralized  by  the  process  of  assimilation. 

Thirdly,  there  are  secondary  differences  that  continually  arise 
through  the  conflicts  of  imitation.  To  these  must  be  added  occasional 
causes  that  at  times  operate  with  terrible  effect.  These  are  the 
failure  of  ordinary  food  supplies,  as  in  times  of  famine,  and  the 
occasional  occurrence  of  some  great  calamity,  like  flood  or  pestilence, 
which  demoralizes  people  with  fear,  and  so  far  destroys  sympathy 
and  self-sacrifice  as  to  leave  only  the  animal  instincts  of  self-preser- 
vation in  full  activity. 

/oy  Subjective  Toleration.  —  These  lapses  from  toleration,^ 
however,  are  not  enduring^  The  causes  that  establish 
toleration  in  tHe  first  instance  tend  to  reestablish  it  after 
every  failure.  Cooperating  with  the  tendency  of  conflict 
tb  bring  about  ah  equilibrium  of  strength,  there  is  now 
^  conscious  desire  for  the  amelioration  of  strife.  In  addi- 
tion to  toleration  as  a  mere  olDJective  fact,  there  has  at 
length  appeared  an  idea  of  toleration  and  a  wish  to  maintain 
it.     There  has  come  into  existence  a  Subjective  Toleration. 

Conflict  and  toleration  should  be  studied  through  detailed  obser- 
vations of  specific  examples. 

Table  XXXIX.  —  Conflict  or  Toleration  Between 


M   1. 

Species. 

M 

7. 

Nationalities. 

M  2. 

Cephalic  Races. 

M 

8. 

Communities. 

M  3. 

Colour  Eaces. 

M 

9. 

Political  Parties. 

M  4. 

Glottic  Races. 

M 

10. 

Parties  at  Law. 

M  5. 

Ethnic  Races. 

M 

11. 

Economic  Classes. 

M  6. 

Potential  Nationalities. 

M 

12. 

Religious  Sects. 

Information  must  be  obtained  from  records  made  by  individual  observers. 

Psychological  Stages  of  Conflict  and  Agreement.  —  Ac- 
cording to  the  mental  development  of  differing  or  potentially 
resembling  individuals,  their  conflicts  or  agreements  take  the 
form  of  activities  predominately  ideo-motor,  ideo-emotional, 
dogmatic-emotional,  or  deliberative.  The  ideo-motor  minds 
"  fight  it  out,"  the  critically  intellectual  minds  quarrel  by 
discussion  until  they  arrive  at  a  good  understanding. 


108  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  XL.  —  Stages  of  Conflict  and  Agreement 
M   1.   Ideo-Motor.  M  3.   Dogmatic-Emotional. 

M  2.   Ideo-Emotional.  M  4.   Critically  Intellectual. 


(^  MutdbUity  and  Degrees  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kin^ 

Because  the  consciousness  of  kind  is  complex,  it  is 
necessarily  an  ever-changing  mental  state.  It  varies  as 
one  or  another  of  its  elements  is  predominant.  At  one 
time  it  may  be  chiefly  an  ^jea ;  at  another  time  chiefly 
g^inpailiy ;  at  another  time  chiefly  the  desire  for  recogni- 
tion ;  but  never  is  it  one  of  these  elements  alone.  All  are 
present  in  some  degree. 

The^iionsciousness^  of  kind  varies  in^deyree  with^Jjig^ 
degree  of  resemblance  jipon  which  it  is  basedTTTt  loses 
intensity  as  it  expandsjtothe  more  remote  resemblances, 
andbecomes   intense   as_it^  contracts   to   the   narrower 
degreesj 

The  Law  of  Sympathy.  —  Using  the  word  "  sympathy  " 
as  a  collective  word  for  all  the  feelings  that  are  included 
in  the  consciousness  of  kind,  the  law  of  sympathy  is: 
The  degree  of  sympathy  decreases  as  the  generality  of 
resemblance  increases. 

Thus,  for  example,  when  we  compare  those  degrees  of  mental  and 
practical  resemblance  that  correspond  to  degrees  of  kinship,  we  dis- 
cover that  there  is  normally  a  greater  degree  of  sympathy  among 
members  of  a  family  than  among  all  members  of  a  nation,  a  greater 
degree  of  sympathy  among  men  of  a  common  nationality  than  among 
all  men  of  the  same  ethnic  race,  a  greater  degree  of  sympathy 
among  men  of  the  same  ethnic  race  than  among  all  men  of  the  same 
glottic  race,  and  a  greater  degree  of  sympathy  among  men  of  the 
same  glottic  race  than  among  all  men  of  the  same  colour  race. 

In  like  manner,  when  we  compare  those  degrees  of  mental  and 
practical  resemblance  that  are  irrespective  of  the  degrees  of  kinship, 
we  discover  that  there  is,  for  example,  greater  sympathy  among 
Protestants  than  among  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  taken 
together,    and    more    sympathy    among    Protestants    and    Roman 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind 


109 


Catholic  Christians  taken  together  than  among  all  Christians  and 
all  devotees  of  all  other  religions  taken  together. 

The  degree  of  sympathy  is  a  variable  of  all  the  modes  of  likeness 
combined^  and  not  of  any  one  mode  alone.  Expressed  mathematically 
it  is:  S  =  <t>  {k,  m,  v). 

In  this  formula  the  symbol  <f>  expresses  that  relation  between 
S  (Sympathy)  and  k^  m,  v,  which  accounts  for  every  variation  of  S. 

The  actually  observed  variation  of  ^  is  a  progressive  diminution 
of  sympathy  as  we  pass  from  k'  to  (k'  +  k"),  and  from  (k'  +  fc")  to 
(k'  +  k"  -{-k"')f  and  so  on,  and  in  like  manner  pass  from  m'  to 
(m'  +  m"),  and  from  (m' -^m")  to  (m'  -\- m"  +  m"'),  and  so  on. 
Therefore,  </>  is  an  algebraic  function  expressed  in  terms  of  diminish- 
ing resemblances,  and  symbolizing  a  progressive  diminution  of 
sympathy. 

Now  resemblance  is  a  variable  that  approaches  but  never  reaches 
the  limit  identity,  as  the  fraction  i  +  J  4-  i  +  rV>  ^^^  ^^  ^^j  ^P" 
proaches  but  never  reaches  the  limit  1.  Sympathy,  diminishing  as 
resemblance  diminishes,  in  like  manner  approaches,  but  never 
reaches  the  limit  0.  The  fraction  given  above  is  the  numerical 
variable  that  most  rapidly  approaches  the  limit  1,  and  in  the  suc- 
cession of  fractions  |^,  \,  ^,  etc.,  we  have  the  most  rapid  approach 
to  the  never-reached  limit  0.  Sympathy  diminishes  with  great 
rapidity  as  we  pass  from  the  closely  related  to  the  remotely  re- 
lated., Graphically  represented,  the  hyperbolic  curve  has  a  sharp 
descent,  thus :  ^  — 


Native 

born 

of 

Native 

Parents. 


Native  born  of 
Native  Parents 


Native  born  of 
Foreign  Parents. 


Native  born  of 
Native  Parents 


Native  born  of 
Foreign  Parents 


s 

:3=3 

p^ 

i^.2 

a 

(2^ 

W 

Foreign  born.  ^ 

J  Cephalic  race,  apart  from  other  racial  distinctions,  may  apparently  be  an 
exception  ;  but  see  the  studies  of  Ammon,  Lapouge,  and  Ripley,  and  remember 
that  in  mankind  generally,  cephalic  index  is  correlated  with  both  ethnic  race  and 
colour. 


110  Inductive  Sociology 

It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  succession  of  fractions  ^,  J,  J,  etc., 
very  closely  represents  the  diminution  of  sympathy  with  diminish- 
ing resemblance.     If  so,  our  complete  formula  is  as  follows :  — 

"^2  4  8 

,      (m'-^m")      (m'  +  m"  +  m"') 
-hm  -t-         2         "T"  4 

8 


CHAPTER  IV 

Concerted  Volition 

The  Rise  of  Concerted  Volition 

When  individuals  have  become  aware  of  their  resem- 
blancesTespecially  of  any  similarities  of  purpose  and  of 
actioiS  tney  begin,  consciously,  to  combine  their  activities 
for  the  better  realization  of  their  common  purposes. 

In  other  words,  the  consciousness  of  kind  converts  a 
spontaneous  like  response  into  a  Concerted  VolitionJ 

iSubjecttve  (Jonditions.  —  The  rapidity  of  the  transforma- 
tion, the  extent  to  which  the  conversion  is  effected,  and 
the  forms  that  concerted  volition  assumes,  depend  upon 
the  subjective  conditions,  namely,  the  types  of  mind,  of 
disposition,  and  of  character,  and  the  degree  of  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind. 

If  appreciation  is  of  a  low  degree,  if  the  type  of  mind  is  ideo- 
motor,  and  the  character  forceful,  an  imperfect  consciousness  of  kind, 
usually  found  with  such  mental  states,  can  create  only  an  imperfect 
concert  of  volition,  which  will  bear  a  close  resemblance  to  instinctive 
conduct  in  the  individual.  The  presence  of  ideo-emotional  indi- 
viduals in  large  numbers  may  give  to  the  concerted  volition  the 
form  of  a  swiftly  acting,  sympathetic  movement,  such  as  panic  or 
insurrection.  Dogmatic  minds  develop  a  concerted  volition  that 
tends  toward  fanaticism  or  toward  formality.  If  the  highest  types 
of  mind  and  of  character  prevail,  and  the  consciousness  of  kind  is 
intellectual,  rather  than  merely  sympathetic,  concerted  volition  is 
deliberate  or  rational. 

Objective  Conditions.  —  The  subjective  factors  of  con- 
certed  volition   can  be  combined  only  under  favouring 

111 


112  Inductive  Sociology 

objective    conditions    of    developed   communication   and 
association. 

1.  Developed  Communication.  —  The  first  step  in  the 
conversion  of  spontaneous  like  response  into  concerted 
volition  is  a  more  or  less  systematic  development  of  Com- 
munication. 

This  is  effected  in  backward  communities  by  occasional  gather- 
ings, and  through  journeys  or  an  exchange  of  visits ;  in  more 
advanced  communities  through  assemblies,  journeys,  and  visits,  and 
through  an  exchange  of  letters ;  and  in  the  most  advanced  modern 
communities  through  all  the  above  means  and  by  means,  also,  of  the 
telegraph  and  the  telephone,  and  the  circulation  of  newspapers, 
magazines,  and  books. 

2.  Association.  —  The  second  step  is  the  development 
of  Association,  which  may  be  described  as  either  a  fre- 
quent personal  meeting  and  conversation,  or  as  a  sustained 
and  indefinitely  continued  communication,  carried  on  by 
the  same  individuals. 

Personal  meeting,  conversation,  and  discussion  are  the  usual 
form.  Meetings  may  be  informal,  as  in  the  association  of  men  who 
frequent  a  tavern  or  a  club ;  or  they  may  be  formal,  as  the  meetings 
of  a  board  of  directors  or  of  a  body  of  citizens. 

Co'operation 

Concerted  volition  itself,  as  distinguished  from  its 
subjective  and  objective  conditions,  is  always  a  form  of 
Cooperation. 

This  word  stands  for  many  kinds  of  mutual  aid ;  and  from  one 
point  of  view  nearly  every  kind  of  activity  in  human  society  is  a 
form  of  cooperation.  For  this  reason  there  have  been  writers  who 
have  described  cooperation  as  the  essential  and  distinctive  fact  of 
society.  This  view  might  successfully  be  maintained  if  it  could  be 
shown  that  cooperation  is  coextensive  with  like  response  to  the  same 
stimulus.  If  it  is  only  one  mode  or  development  of  like  response,  it 
is  not  the  primary  social  fact. 


Concerted  Volition  113 

The  Nature  of  Cooperation.  —  The  fact,  then,  is  that 
not  all  like  response  can  be  described  as  cooperation. 
Like  response  may  result  in  nothing  useful  or  even  tan- 
gible. It  may  end  in  an  aimless  activity  or  in  mere 
uproar  and  confusion.  It  is  cooperation  only  if  the  like 
activities  of  the  similarly  responding  individuals  are  by 
some  means  coordinated  and  brought  to  bear  upon  some 
particular  work  or  task  which  is  necessary  or  useful,  or 
which,  at  any  rate,  is  supposed  to  be  useful. 

The  necessary  coordination  may  be  brought  about  by 
other  means  than  a  conscious  planning  by  the  cooperating 
individuals.  Certain  coordinations  result  from  the  mere 
mechanical  laws  of  motion.  Some  of  these  may  prove  to 
be  useful,  although  no  use  was  consciously  anticipated. 
Useful  coordinations  may  be  preserved  by  natural  selec- 
tion and  become  instinctive.  Such  cooperation  may  be 
described  as  unconscious  cooperation. 

In  conscious  cooperation  like  activities  are  coordinated 
and  directed  upon  some  useful  achievement  through  con- 
scious planning.  This  kind  of  cooperation  is  a  mode  of 
concerted  volition,  and,  practically,  all  concerted  volition, 
is  conscious  cooperation. 

Conscious  cooperation  presupposes  (1)  a  common  interest 
in  a  common  object  or  end,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  a 
like  responsiveness  to  the  same  stimulus ;  (2)  a  perception 
by  each  that  all  are  responding  in  like  ways  to  the  same 
stimulus,  and  this  perception  is  a  consciousness  of  kind; 
(3)  communication,  one  motive  of  which  is  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind  ;  (4)  some  degree  of  confidence  in  one  another, 
which  presupposes  a  consciousness  of  kind. 

Whenever  it  is  proposed  to  organize  an  association  for  any  pur- 
pose, the  consciousness  of  kind  manifests  itself  in  the  first  step  that 
is  taken,  namely,  the  canvassing  of  a  tentative  list  of  possible 
members.     The  test  applied  to  each  proposed  individual   is   the 


114  Inductive  Sociology 

question,  "  Is  he  interested,  or  will  he  become  interested,  in  this 
undertaking,  are  his  qualities  and  abilities  of  the  right  sort,  and  will 
he  cooperate  harmoniously  with  the  other  members." 

The  Causes  of  Cooperation. — ^Not  only  must  mental 
and  practical  resemblance  prece3e  all  cooperation,  and 
the  consciousness  of  kind  precede  conscious  cooperation, 
but  also,  if  they  exist,  the  cooperation  necessarily  follows. 
When  a  population  is  undergoing  socialization  by  the 
processes  that  were  described  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
it  engages  in  cooperative  activities  as  a  necessary  con- 
sequence of  the  same  causes  and  conditions  that  establish 
the  mental  and  moral  changes  of  socialization. 

This  becomes  clearly  apparent  when  we  recall  the  fun- 
damental condition  of  all  social  activities;  namely,  like 
responsiveness  to  the  same  stimuli,  and  remember  that 
like  responsiveness  is  the  doing  of  the  same  thing  under 
the  same  or  like  circumstances. 

Like  responsiveness  to  stimulus  shades  so  gradually  into  coopera- 
tion that  it  is  often  difficult  to  discover  at  what  point  the  coopera- 
tion begins.  Where,  for  instance,  does  it  begin  in  the  pursuit  of  a 
thief  on  the  street?  The  question  is  obviously  one  of  degrees 
or  stages  of  responsiveness,  as,  by  degrees,  like  activities  are  coor- 
dinated and  directed  upon  a  particular  end  or  achievement. 

If,  for  example,  all  the  men  and  women  and  children  of  a  village 
rush  out  of  their  houses  to  see  a  fire  that  has  flamed  up  upon  the 
horizon  many  miles  away,  the  act  is  merely  a  like  response  to  the 
same  stimulus.  If,  a  few  hours  later,  the  fire  is  discovered  to  be  a 
prairie  or  forest  conflagration  that  is  sweeping  onward  with  great 
rapidity  toward  their  own  hamlet,  these  people  begin  to  take  measures 
to  prevent  the  destruction  of  their  property.  They  go  out  with 
ploughs  and  spades  to  throw  up  furrows  of  earth  which  they  hope  the 
flames  will  not  cross.  We  now  speak  of  their  activity  as  cooperation. 
The  only  difference,  however,  between  their  conduct  at  the  first  and  at 
the  last  is  that  at  the  last  the  like  responsiveness  is  carried  a  stage 
or  two  further,  is  complicated  and  coordinated  by  the  consciousness 
of  a  common  intent,  and  results  in  the  accomplishment  of  a  purpose 
of  common  interest. 


Concerted   Volition  115 

In  ways  like  this  all  cooperation  arises,  and  under  favourable 
circumstances  all  like  responsiveness  to  the  same  stimulus  becomes 
cooperation. 

To  the  uncritical  observer  the  beginnings  of  cooperation  such  as 
may  be  seen  among  animals  and,  on  a  larger  scale,  among  uncivilized 
men,  may  seem  to  be  merely  accidental.  Beetles  among  insects, 
mice,  rats,  and  squirrels  among  rodents,  often  aid  each  other  in 
moving  objects  too  heavy  for  one  alone  to  manage.  Various  species 
of  hunting  birds  drive  fish  into  a  corner  of  a  bay  or  curve  of  a  river 
by  forming  a  line  across  the  water.  Packs  of  hunting  animals  carry 
cooperation  of  this  simple  sort  yet  further.  In  all  these  cases  it  is 
easy  to  say  that  the  cooperation  has  originally  been  purely  acci- 
dental, and  that  it  has  become  habitual  through  the  develop- 
ment of  instinct  by  natural  selection.  This  explanation,  however, 
does  not  go  to  the  root  of  the  matter.  Instinct  has  not  been  de- 
veloped by  natural  selection  without  having  had  material  to  work 
on;  and  that  material,  in  all  cases,  has  been  the  like  responsive- 
ness of  the  like  nervous  organizations  of  the  cooperating  animals  or 
men  to  the  same  stimulus,  more  or  less  complicated  by  sympathy 
and  imitation. 

^-  ,_ 

Among  individuals  mentally  and  practically  alike, 
cooperation,  thus  necessarily  initiated,  is  necessarily  fur- 
ther developed,  because  it  yields  to  the  cooperating  indi- 
viduals the  same  kind  of  pleasure. 

The  pleasure  here  referred  to  is  not  that  which  is  afforded  by  the 
remoter  utilities,  such  as  an  abundance  of  food,  or  security  against 
danger,  in  which  the  cooperation  presently  results ;  it  is  the  imme- 
diate pleasure  of  combined  activity.  When  a  boat  crew  rows  or  a 
football  team  plays  for  practice,  it  not  only  enjoys  in  anticipation 
the  hoped-for  triumph  over  a  rival  organization  in  some  future  con- 
test, but  it  enjoys  at  the  moment  the  pleasurable  reaction  of  con- 
certed physical  and  mental  activity.  In  the  excitement  of  play  the 
football  men  do  not  think  of  the  future  victory  to  be  achieved; 
they  are  absorbed  in  the  incidents  of  the  immediate  contest.  All 
cooperation,  bringing  individuals  together  in  combined  effort,  yields 
this  stimulating  excitement  in  a  greater  or  a  less  degree,  and,  there- 
fore, more  or  less  of  immediate  pleasure,  which  becomes  a  motive 
for  continuing  and  perfecting  the  cooperation. 


116  Inductive  Sociology 

Thus  begun  and  partially  developed,  cooperation  is  yet 
further  developed  and  perfected  because  the  remoter  utili- 
ties which  it  creates  are  by  its  resembling  participants 
regarded  in  like  ways.  If  a  particular  mode  of  coopera- 
tion produces  an  unwonted  abundance  of  food  supplies,  or 
establishes  a  degree  of  security  hitherto  unknown,  the  in- 
dividuals who  have  engaged  in  cooperative  activity  because 
of  their  mental  and  practical  resemblance  and  their  con- 
sciousness of  kind,  necessarily  see  and  interpret  the  results 
in  substantially  the  same  way;  they  reason  in  substantially 
the  same  way  about  the  desirability  of  perpetuating  and 
increasing  such  results  by  a  further  extension  of  their  co- 
operation. 

For  three  reasons,  then,  cooperation,  which  can  arise  only  among 
individuals  mentally  and  practically  alike,  among  them  necessarily 
does  arise  and  develop  as  a  consequence  of  their  similarity  and 
socialization.  They  respond  in  like  ways  to  like  stimuli,  and  find 
themselves  actually  cooperating  before  they  know  why  or  how. 
They  find  the  same  pleasure  in  cooperative  activity ;  and  therefore, 
irrespective  of  its  remoter  results,  they  desire  to  continue  and  to 
perfect  it.  In  like  ways  they  perceive,  interpret,  and  reason  about 
the  useful  results,  more  remotely  flowing  from  cooperative  activity, 
and  therefore  with  a  common  judgment  they  decide  to  continue 
and  to  extend  it. 

The  Forms  of  Cooperation. — Thus  originating,  coopera- 
tion develops  into  various  forms  and  through  successive 
stages  of  complication,  step  by  step  with  the  development 
of  successive  modes  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
and  of  the  consciousness  of  kind. 

In  its  beginnings  cooperation  is  simple  and  direct  in  its 
plan  or  form. 

Such,  for  example,  is  the  cooperation  of  rural  neighbours  in  a  barn- 
raising  or  a  corn-husking. 


Concerted   Volition  117 

Another  simple  form  of  cooperation  is  indirect.  Instead 
of  being  a  combination  of  the  efforts  of  two  or  more 
individuals  in  doing  precisely  the  same  thing,  it  is  a  com- 
bination of  their  efforts  in  achieving  the  same  general 
result  through  a  performance  of  different  specific  things. 

The  cooperation  in  this  case  takes  the  form  of  exchange.  All 
trade  is  a  simple  but  indirect  form  of  cooperation. 

Cooperation  becomes  complex  when  the  direct  and  indi- 
rect forms  are  combined,  as  they  are  in  any  undertaking 
in  which  different  individuals  engaged  in  creating  the 
same  product  or  result,  produce  very  different  parts  of  it, 
or  work  in  different  ways. 

In  a  manufacturing  establishment,  the  cooperation  is  direct,  be- 
cause all  the  operatives,  mechanics,  foreman,  superintendent,  and 
other  employees  are  engaged  in  producing  the  same  sort  of  goods.  It 
is  also  indirect,  because  some  are  working  at  one  process  with  one 
kind  of  machinery,  others  at  a  different  process  with  another  kind  of 
machinery;  and  because  some  superintend  or  direct,  while  others 
are  directed  and  merely  follow  instructions.  Any  operation  into 
which  the  principles  of  subordination  and  of  the  division  of  labour 
enter  is  a  complex  cooperation. 

In  the  modern  industrial  world,  these  complex  forms  of  coopera- 
tion enter  into  further  complications  through  their  relations  with 
one  another  in  the  market.  Great  manufacturing  businesses,  them- 
selves highly  complex  forms  of  cooperation,  are  so  many  units  in  the 
vast  system  of  commercial  exchange.  In  its  entirety,  therefore,  the 
industrial  and  commercial  organization  of  modern  society  is  a  co- 
operation which  has  become  doubly  and  trebly  complex. 

And  even  this  highly  complicated  system  is  only  a  unit  in  that 
greater  cooperation  of  industrial  with  political,  educational,  religious, 
and  pleasurable  enterprises,  which,  together,  make  up  the  entire 
activity  of  modern  communities. 

The  extension  of  cooperation  from  its  simple  beginnings 
to  these  complicated  higher  forms  obviously  depends  upon 
an  extension  of  genuine  mental  and  practical  resemblance 


118  Inductive  Sociology 

throughout  the  population,  and  a  corresponding  expansion 
of  the  consciousness  of  kind.  The  particular  points  of  re- 
semblance that  are  most  essential  to  the  higher  forms  of 
cooperation  are  those  which  enter  into  what  we  call  good 
faith  ;  and  a  common  belief  throughout  the  community  in 
the  general  good  faith  of  the  individuals  composing  society 
is  the  particular  form  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  that 
also  is  essential. 

Table  XLI.  —  Prevailing  Forms  of  Cooperation 

M  1.   Simple  and  Direct.  M  3.   Complex. 

M  2.   Indirect.  M  4.   Compound. 

Extent  of  Cooperation.  —  The  number  of  persons  simi- 
larly responding  to  any  given  stimulus,  and,  therefore,  the 
group  of  possible  cooperators  in  a  given  work,  may  not 
exceed  a  small  fraction  of  an  entire  natural  society ;  it 
may  be  a  large  fraction ;  or  it  may  include  all  members  of 
the  entire  social  population. 

The  cooperation  of  all  individual  members  of  an  entire 
natural  society  constitutes  what  we  are  in  the  habit  of 
calling  Public  Activity,  and  an  entire  natural  society  view^ed 
as  cooperating  is  a  State. 

Public  and  Private  Cooperation.  —  It  is  not  necessary, 
however,  to  the  conception  of  the  state  to  suppose  the 
active  participation  of  each  individual  in  every  common 
task,  or  to  suppose  that  the  common  response  to  stimulus 
is  immediate  and  direct.  In  many  instances  the  coopera- 
tion may  be  passive  rather  than  active  ;  in  many  instances 
response  may  be  indirect.  It  is  sufficient  if  the  like 
response  to  a  common  stimulus  is  adequate  to  assure  the 
passive  assent,  or  to  prevent  the  resistance,  of  those  indi- 
viduals whose  cooperation  does  not  assume  the  active  mode.j^ 
And  it  is  sufficient  if  in  many  instances  the  like  response 
is  immediate   and  direct  among  a  few  individuals  only, 


Concerted   Volition  119 

if  these  have  the  power  to  compel  the  obedience  and 
thereby  to  enforce  the  cooperation  of  all  others.  In  other 
words,  that  cooperation  of  an  entire  social  population 
which  constitutes  it  a  state,  is  largely  effected  through 
complicated  relations  of  cooperation  between  sovereign  and 
subjects. 

Any  individual,  group,  or  class  of  cooperating  individuals, 
or  entire  cooperating  people  having  the  disposition  and  the 
power  to  exact,  and,  in  fact,  exacting  obedience  from  all 
individuals  in  the  social  population,  is  a  Sovereign. 

All  individuals  who  obey  a  sovereign  —  be  that  sov- 
ereign a  person,  a  class,  or  a  people  —  are  Subjects. 

Sovereign  and  subjects  together,  in  their  normal  relation 
of  authority  and  obedience,  are  a  State. 

The  cooperation  of  sovereign  and  subjects,  or  state 
activity,  is  Public  Cooperation. 

The  state  then,  or  the  public,  is  the  entire  natural  society  respond- 
ing in  like  ways  to  the  same  stimuli,  and  cooperating  in  the  achieve- 
ment of  useful  tasks  of  common  interest:  and  this  is  true,  whether 
the  response  of  all  individual  members  of  the  society  is  direct,  and 
their  cooperation  active,  or  the  response  of  some  is  indirect,  taking 
the  form  of  obedience  to  a  sovereign,  and  their  cooperation  mere 
passive  assent  or  non-resistance. 

When  only  a  part  of  the  social  population  responds  to 
the  same  stimulus,  and  engages  in  cooperation  without  the 
participation  or  the  command  of  the  sovereign,  although 
not  without  the  sovereign's  tacit  or  implied  consent,  we 
speak  of  the  cooperation  as  Private  or  Voluntary. 

In  the  analysis,  which  we  are  about  to  make,  of  the  work  of  coop- 
eration, it  is  necessary  to  view  each  group  of  activities  from  the 
standpoint  of  private,  and  from  that  of  public  cooperation. 

The  Work  of  Cooperation :  Complex  Activities.  —  It  was 
shown  that  cooperation  consists  of  those  like  activities  of 


120  Inductive  Sociology 

similarly  responding  individuals  that  are  coordinated  and 
brought  to  bear  upon  some  particular  task  which  is  useful, 
or  at  least  is  supposed  to  be  useful.  We  have  now  to 
observe  and  to  analyze  the  work  upon  which  cooperation 
is  directed. 

Appreciation,  utilization,  characterization,  and  socializa- 
tion are  the  simple  modes  of  all  the  practical  activities 
known  to  a  social  population.  These  simple  modes,  how- 
ever, are  variously  combined  in  four  great  groups  of  Com- 
plex Activities,  the  essential  character  of  each  of  which  is 
determined  by  the  predominance  of  some  one  of  the 
primitive  modes  of  practical  activity.  The  work  of  coop- 
eration always  consists  in  carrying  on  and  developing  the 
complex  activities.  ^ 

Since  each  group  of  complex  activities  includes  both  the  purely 
mental  processes  of  appreciation  and  the  motor  processes  of  utiliza- 
tion, it  is  necessary  to  regard  each  group  of  complex  activities  from 
the  intellectual  and  the  practical  standpoiiit,  —  as  a  development  of 
ideas  through  communication,  association,  and  other  modes  of  con- 
certed volition,  and  as  an  outward  manifestation  in  conduct,  also 
developed  by  concerted  volition.  We  shall,  therefore,  speak  of  each 
group  of  concerted  activities  as  a  development  of  thought  and  activity. 

Outward  action,  in  turn,  or  concerted  conduct,  presents  two  as- 
pects, each  of  which  must  be  observed.  One  is  that  of  action  as 
such,  irrespective  of  the  forms  that  it  assumes,  or  the  modes  of  or- 
ganization developed  by  those  who  participate.  Concerted  action  as 
such  is  always  a  combined  aggression,  or  a  combined  defence  ;  real, 
as  in  serious  enterprises,  or  mimic,  as  in  play  or  ceremonial.  The 
second  aspect  is  that  of  the  forms  that  concerted  action  assumes. 
If  relatively  enduring,  these  forms  constitute  social  organization. 
The  study  of  forms  is  therefore  a  large  subject  by  itself,  and  will  be 
taken  up  in  detail  in  Part  III.  In  the  present  chapter  we  shall 
have  to  do  with  it  only  to  the  extent  of  mentioning  the  forms  that 
arise  in  connection  with  the  concerted  activities  from  which  they 
spring. 

1.  Cultural  Thought  and  Activity.  —  The  cooperative 
development   of   appreciation  is  called   Culture.     Cultu- 


Concerted   Volition  121 

ral  activity  is  appreciation  complicated  by  utilization, 
characterization,  and  socialization.  Various  adaptations 
of  the  things  about  us  —  the  useful  elements  of  the  envi-  ' 
ronment  —  are  brought  to  bear  upon  the  evolution  of  apr 
preciation,  as  for  example  in  the  plastic  arts,  in  scientific 
experimentation,  and  in  the  improvement  of  the  means 
of  travel  and  communication.  In  all  this,  utilization  is, 
combined  with  and  made  auxiliary  to  appreciation.  Char- 
acterization is  brought  to  bear  through  every  accommoda- 
tion of  the  individual  life  to  the  circumstances  of  its 
existence,  whereby,  irw  the  further  activities  of  apprecia- 
tion and  utilization,  a  higher  degree  of  achievement  is 
made  possible ;  and  socialization  is  obviously  combined 
with  appreciation  in  the  very  fact  of  cooperative  activity. 
The  elementary  cultural  ideas  are  those  pertaining  to 
language  and  its  development.  Language,  in  the  last 
analysis,  is  a  number  of  signs  or  names  attached  to  ob- 
jects, circumstances,  acts,  and  qualities.  Abstract  or  con- 
ceptual thinking  in  the  last  analysis  consists  in  the  mental 
separation  of  names  from  the  things  named ;  in  other 
words,  in  thinking  of  names  as  such,  and  applying  or  not 
applying  them  to  particular  things  at  will. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  argue  that  the  naming  of  things,  qualities, 
acts,  and  circumstances  has  been  cooperatively  developed.  Any 
name  actually  in  use  is  the  product  of  many  minds.  An  object 
may  have  suggested  its  own  vocal  or  written  sign,  but  the  sign  actu- 
ally in  use  is  a  product  of  countless  imitations.  In  like  manner, 
the  ideas  conveyed  by  language  are  a  product  of  countless  sugges- 
tions, cooperatively  developed.  Conceptual  thinking  is  cooperative 
thinking. 

Next  in  simplicity  to  linguistic  ideas  are  ideas  known 
to  ethnologists  by  the  name  "animistic,*'  suggested  by 
Professor  E.  B.  Tylor.  Children  and  savages,  and  many 
ignorant   persons   in   civilized  communities,   conceive  of 


122  Inductive  Sociology 

inanimate  objects  as  personal.  Beliefs  about  their  sup- 
posed habits  and  powers  constitute  a  large  part  of  the 
culture  of  savage  communities.  Animals,  in  like  man- 
ner, are  conceived  as  being  like  men,  not  only  in  their 
power  of  voluntary  motion,  but  also  in  powers  of  thought, 
imagination,  and  purpose. 

Animistic  thought  survives  in  important  cultural  phenomena  of 
highly  developed  communities.  The  habit  of  personification  is  one 
which  the  human  mind  does  not  outgrow. 

Crude  or  developed  animistic  thought  is  differentiated 
into  two  great  groups  of  ideas.  One  consists  of  animistic 
interpretations  of  the  finite ;  the  other  consists  of  animistic 
interpretations  of  the  infinite.  The  first  group  includes 
all  personifications  of  familiar  objects  and  acts,  that  is, 
all  conceptions  of  them  as  personal,  or  as  proceeding  from 
personality.  These  are  aBsthetic  or  artistic  ideas,  and 
they  are  further  differentiated  into  the  poetic  and  the 
plastic.  The  other  group  of  animistic  ideas  includes  ideas 
of  a  first  cause,  of  creation,  of  the  beginning  of  life,  of 
death,  and  of  the  possibility  of  existence  after  death. 
These  collectively  are  religious  ideas,  and  religion  in  gen- 
eral may  be  defined  as  the  animistic  interpretation  of  the 
infinite. 

Poetic  ideas  of  finite  things  shade  imperceptibly  into  religious 
ideas  of  infinity.  Thus,  the  worship  of  animals  has  prevailed  in 
every  part  of  the  world,  and  it  yet  survives  among  savage  peoples. 
But  animals,  when  worshipped,  are  conceived  as  having  extraordi- 
nary powers,  as  having  existed  from  a  dim  past,  and  played  a  role  in 
the  work  of  creation,  and  as  having  a  possibility  of  continued  exist- 
ence after  apparent  death.  In  other  words,  in  primitive  animistic 
thought,  notions  of  the  finite  and  of  the  infinite,  poetic  ideas  and 
religious  ideas,  are  not  yet  discriminated. 

Later  in  development  than  the  linguistic  and  the  ani- 
mistic, and  grasped  by  fewer  minds,  are  cultural  ideas  of 


Concerted   Volition  123 

a  third  class,  namely,  the  scientific.  The  simplest  scien- 
tific notions  are  those  of  counting,  measuring,  weighing, 
and  classification.  From  these  ultimately  are  developed 
generalizations  and  conceptions  of  law  and  cause. 

Cultural  activities  are  directly  related  to  these  three 
classes  of  cultural  ideas. 

Directly  related  to  linguistic  ideas  are  those  partly  imi- 
tative, partly  conscious  acts,  maintained  and  developed  by 
concerted  volition,  which  collectively  we  call  Manners. 
Related  both  to  linguistic  and  to  archaic  animistic  ideas 
are  concerted  activities  in  the  ceremonial  development  of 
manners. 

Directly  related  to  archaic  animistic  ideas  are  concerted 
activities  in  the  ceremonial  use  and  development  of  Cos- 
tume. 

Dress  and  its  development  into  costume  did  not  originate  in  ideas 
of  comfort,  or  in  any  sense  of  modesty.  A  very  early,  if  not  the 
earliest,  motive  for  concealing  parts  of  the  body  was  the  wish  to 
prevent  the  access  of  unwelcome  spirits.^  More  elaborate  costumes 
had  their  origin  in  imitations  of  birds  and  animals,  for  the  purpose 
of  exercising  over  them  a  magical  control,  and  especially  to  assure 
success  in  hunting. 

Corresponding  to  archaic  animistic  ideas,  both  poetic 
and  religious,  are  the  concerted  activities  of  Festivity  and 
Social  Amusement. 

Already  attention  has  been  drawn  to  the  immediate  pleasure 
which  companionship  affords,  irrespective  of  any  remoter  utility 
that  cooperation  may  procure.  Human  beings  living  together  in 
local  proximity,  then,  do  not  have  to  invent  social  pleasures;  but 
they  soon  acquire  the  habit  of  spending  much  time  and  thought  in 
perfecting  pleasurable  forms  of  social  intercourse.  In  every  com- 
munity a  large  proportion  of  time  is  spent  in  the  various  forms  of 

1  See  Professor  William  I.  Thomas,  "  The  Psychology  of  Modesty  and  Cloth- 
ing," American  Journal  of  Sociology,  Vol.  V,  No.  2,  September,  1899. 


124  Inductive  Sociology 

social  pleasure,  that  have  no  other  foreseen  utility  than  the  imme- 
diate enjoyment  which  they  afford. 

Social  pleasures  which  thus,  on  the  subjective  side,  are  a  develop- 
ment of  companionship,  on  the  physical  side  are  a  development  of 
two  simple  physiological  facts ;  namely,  first,  the  necessity  of  eating, 
which  becomes  the  occasion  of  the  common  meal,  the  banquet,  and 
the  festival,  and  second,  that  expenditure  of  surplus  energy,  by  ani- 
mals, children,  and  adult  human  beings,  which  takes  the  form  of 
play. 

Partly  because  it  is  an  expenditure  of  surplus  energy,  and  partly 
because  it  is  the  indulgence  of  the  young,  rather  than  of  the  old, 
play  consists  largely  of  imitations  of  the  more  serious  activities  of 
life  engaged  in  by  adults.  A  great  part  of  all  play  is  mimic  work 
or  mimic  war. 

In  their  imitations  of  the  serious  activities  of  life,  however, 
cooperative  play  and  the  more  elaborate  social  amusements  often  go 
back  to  examples  which  originated  in  a  distant  past,  instead  of  copy- 
ing as  nearly  as  possible  the  methods  of  work  and  war  at  present 
followed.  The  games  of  children  are  peculiarly  rich  in  survivals 
of  early  practices.  Of  the  social  amusements  that  adults  share 
with  children,  dancing  affords  a  good  illustration.  The  forms  of  the 
dance  have  all  been  derived  from  the  serious  business  of  life ;  but  as 
carried  on  by  the  primitive,  rather  than  by  the  modern  man.  The 
march  describes  itself  as  of  a  very  simple  military  origin.  Some  of 
the  less  simple  forms  have  been  derived  from  imitations  of  the  chase 
and  from  imitations  of  animal  movements  of  interest  to  the  hunter. 
The  sacred  dances  of  uncivilized  peoples  are  for  the  most  part  con- 
nected with  forms  of  animal  worship,  and  animal  worship  is  a  phase 
of  the  primitive  man's  system  of  economy.  His  dances,  accordingly, 
imitate  the  running,  leaping,  flying,  and  other  spontaneous  move- 
ments of  the  animal  species  that  are  worshipped  and  mimicked. 
From  these  origins,  by  a  very  slow  evolution,  have  been  derived  the 
graceful  movements  of  modern  waltzes,  polkas,  and  other  dance 
forms. 

Closely  associated  with  a  mimetic  perpetuation  of  primitive  activi- 
ties is  the  essentially  animistic  quality  of  social  amusements ;  they 
are  dominated  throughout  by  animistic  ideas.  Compared  with  the 
wealth  of  poetic  and  artistic  conceptions  which  are  found  in  every 
actually  existing  mode  of  social  pleasure,  the  scientific  conceptions 
are  in  almost  insignificant  number  and  influence. 

It  is  by  the  addition  of  animistic  play  or  poetic  ceremonial,  or  at 


Concerted   Volition  125 

least  of  artistic  costume  and  ceremonial  manner  of  animistic  signifi- 
cance, that  the  common  meal,  an  organic  function  developed  by  mere 
companionship  into  a  simple  social  pleasure,  is  transformed  into  the 
banquet  or  the  festival.  It  is  by  the  agency  of  animistic  ideas  and 
through  the  incorporation  of  animistic  forms,  more  or  less  cere- 
monial, that  spontaneous  plays  are  converted  into  elaborate  games 
or  spectacular  popular  amusements,  for  example,  the  bull-fight  or  the 
circus. 

Largely  developed  out  of  social  amusements,  and  like 
them  corresponding  to  animistic  ideas,  both  poetic  and 
religious,  are  the  ^Esthetic  Arts  and  all  concerted  activity 
in  developing  them. 

From  the  story-telling  of  festival  occasions  have  been  derived  our 
higher  forms  of  literature,  the  epic,  the  historical  narrative,  and 
the  novel.  From  the  primitive  dance,  with  its  mimicry  and  its  choral 
song,  have  come  our  drama,  our  lyric  poetry,  and  our  music.  From 
the  rude  drawing,  carving,  and  painting  of  animate  forms,  originally 
practised  for  purposes  of  imitative  magic,  and  chiefly  in  connection 
with  the  development  of  costume,  have  grown  our  painting  and  our 
sculpture,  and  the  artistic  element  in  architecture. 

Of  all  modes  of  concerted  volition  none,  perhaps,  reacts  more 
powerfully  upon  concerted  volition  itself  and  upon  socialization,  than 
cooperation  in  social  pleasure.  It  is  on  the  playground  that  boys 
and  girls  learn  most  of  the  lessons  of  toleration,  sympathy,  coopera- 
tion, and  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  have  those  experiences  of 
the  pleasurableness  of  association  that,  in  after  life,  make  them  ap- 
preciative of  the  value  of  society,  and  able  to  contribute  to  its 
defence  or  perfection.  By  the  social  pleasures  of  adult  life  these 
experiences  are  deepened  and  enriched.  Even  when  in  solitude  we 
enjoy  the  creations  of  literature  and  art,  we  are  in  imagination  living 
with  our  fellow-men,  participating  with  them  in  conflict,  sharing  in 
their  loves  and  their  hatreds,  sympathizing  with  them  in  suffering, 
and  rejoicing  with  them  in  success. 

Corresponding  to  religious  ideas  are  those  forms  of  con- 
certed action  constituting  Worship,  Revivals,  Pilgrimages, 
and  the  more  elaborate  Religious  Ceremonies.  Religious 
cooperation,  like  cooperation  in  social  pleasure,  has  always 


126  Inductive  Sociology 

reacted  powerfully  upon  socialization  and  the  further 
development  of  concerted  volition. 

Corresponding  to  scientific  ideas  are  cooperative  under- 
takings in  exploration  and  research,  and  in  the  recording 
and  transmission  of  knowledge. 

Cultural  ideas  arise  in  individual  minds  and,  for  the 
most  part,  are  developed,  at  least  in  the  earlier  stages  of 
their  history,  by  private  cooperation ;  but  sooner  or  later 
they  always  receive  the  stamp  of  public  cooperation. 

The  sovereign  undertakes  to  mould  them,  and  not  without  success, 
by  authoritative  definition,  by  suggestion,  by  recommendation  and 
promulgation,  or  by  the  opposite  course  of  repression.  The  active 
agents  of  the  sovereign  in  this  effort  have  been  state  priesthoods, 
public  censors,  and  ministers  of  instruction. 

Cultural  activities  are  carried  on  chiefly  by  private  or 
voluntary  cooperation,  but  in  every  natural  society  they 
are  carried  on  also  by  public  cooperation. 

The  state  gives  banquets  and  provides  public  entertainments.  It 
encourages  literature  and  art,  and  provides  for  many  scientific 
researches  for  which  private  resources  would  be  inadequate. 

2.  Economic  Thought  and  Activity.  —  The  cooperative 
development  of  utilization  is  the  chief  process  in  Economic 
Activity ;  yet  economic  activity  is  more  than  utilization. 
It  is  the  complex  product  of  utilization  in  combination 
with  appreciation,  characterization,  and  socialization. 
Utilization  is  possible  only  to  the  extent  that  through 
appreciation  we  have  mentally  grasped  the  environment 
which  we  would  adapt  to  our  own  purposes.  Moreover, 
to  carry  on  economic  activity  men  must  not  only  have 
the  instinct  to  utilize  and  the  habit  of  trying  experiments, 
in  adapting  the  external  world  to  themselves,  but  they 
must  have  acquired  that  discipline  of  character  which 
enables  them  to  work  persistently  and  with  intelligent 


Concerted  Volition  127 

purpose;  and  they  must  further  have  formed  the  habit 
of  helping  one  another  in  their  work  in  all  possible  ways. 
Economic  activity,  then,  is  a  moralized  and  socialized 
process  of  utilization. 

Economic  ideas  include  many  animistic  beliefs  in  com- 
bination with  scientific  conceptions  of  man*s  relation  to 
his  environment. 

Accordingly,  the  economic  ideas  of  a  people  must  be  described  as, 
on  the  whole,  animistic,  if  superstition  and  an  unlimited  belief  in 
luck,  reliance  on  omens,  signs,  and  magic,  govern  their  hunting,  fish- 
ing, agriculture,  and  industrial  arts ;  as,  on  the  whole,  scientific,  if 
scientific  notions  of  utility,  of  productive  labour,  of  capital,  and  of 
organization  control. 

The  larger  part  of  the  economic  thinking  of  each  individual  is 
borrowed  from  his  predecessors  of  former  generations,  and  most  of 
the  remainder  from  his  contemporaries.  The  final  form  which  his 
economic  ideas  assume,  however,  is,  in  nearly  all  cases,  determined 
by  his  actual  economic  cooperation  with  his  business  associates  or 
fellow-workmen. 

Economic  activities,  maintained  by  concerted  volition, 
are  developed  out  of,  and  coordinated  with,  the  purely 
organic  activities  of  physical  life  and  the  instinctive 
utilization  of  the  lower  animals.  The  system  of  activities 
and  relations,  including  natural  selection  and  the  survival 
of  the  fittest,  which  determines  the  well-being  of  physical 
organisms  devoid  of  mentality,  may  be  called  an  Organic 
Economy.^  The  activities  and  relationships  into  which 
instinct  enters  as  a  controlling  factor,  and  which  determine 
the  well-being  of  animal  life,  may  be  called  an  Instinctive 
Economy.  Supplementing  the  organic  and  the  instinctive 
economy  in  savage,  barbarian,  and  the  more  ignorant  civil 
communities,  are  numberless  ceremonial  activities,  based 
upon  animistic  conceptions  and  having  for  their  object 

1  See  "The  Economic  Ages,"  Political  Science  Quarterly^  Vol.  XVI,  No.  2, 
June,  1901,  pp.  193-221. 


128  Inductive  Sociology 

success  in  hunting  or  fishing,  the  fertility  of  flocks  and 
herds,  the  fertility  of  the  land,  or  the  control  of  rain  and 
sun.  These  constitute  a  Ceremonial  Economy.  Largely 
replacing  such  ceremonies  in  all  more  highly  civilized 
communities  are  the  cooperative  activities  of  a  Business 
Economy,  including  the  development  of  the  household, 
the  conduct  of  trade,  and  organized  industry,  with  its 
more  or  less  complex  division  of  labour.  Incidental  to 
these  developments  of  cooperation  in  civilization  are  the 
phenomena  of  concerted  volition  in  financial  or  industrial 
booms,  crazes,  panics,  and  strikes. 

Economic  cooperation  is  either  public  or  private.  The 
economic  activity  of  the  state  is  known  as  public  economy, 
or  as  public  finance. 

3.  Moral  Thought  and  Activity,  —  The  cooperative 
development  of  characterization  is  Morality,  or  Moral 
Activity.  Morality,  however,  like  cultural  and  economic 
activity,  is  a  complex  process.  With  the  relatively 
simple  activity  of  characterization  are  combined  the 
activities  of  appreciation,  utilization,  and  socialization, 
each  of  which,  through  concerted  volition,  is  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  development  of  character. 

Moral  ideas,  as  developed  by  private  cooperation, 
include  notions  of  conduct  as  injurious  or  beneficial  to 
the  community,  and  as  therefore  deserving  of  approba- 
tion or  disapprobation,  praise  or  blame,  reward  or  punish- 
ment, conceptions  that  develop  into  notions  of  right  and 
wrong. 

Specific  kinds  of  conduct  thus  falling  under  the  categories  of 
right  and  wrong  are:  acts  of  violence,  fidelity,  and  treachery,  the 
keeping  and  breaking  of  pledges,  the  performing  of  agreements, 
truth-telling  and  lying,  sexual  mating,  and  the  dealings  of  parents 
and  children,  brothers  and  sisters,  and  other  relatives,  with  one 
another. 


Concerted   Volition  129 

Moral  ideas  developed  by  public  authority  become  legal 
or  juristic  ideas,  and  moral  principles  become  rules  of  law. 

The  original  content  of  a  rule  of  law  is  one  of  those  notions  of 
right  or  wrong  already  mentioned,  a  principle  of  action  which  ex- 
perience has  demonstrated,  and  which  discussion  has  reduced  to 
intelligible  formulation.  Such  a  principle  becomes  a  rule  of  law 
when  it  is  authoritatively  affirmed  by  the  community  as  a  whole 
through  its  government,  or  in  its  capacity  as  the  state,  as  a  rule  of 
conduct  which  all  men  must  obey,  and  when  it  is  enforced  by  the 
infliction  of  penalties  for  disobedience.  More  briefly,  law  is  morality 
enforced  by  public  cooperation. 

Voluntary  concerted  activity  in  moral  matters  takes  the 
form  of  common  tolerations  and  abstinences,  social  con- 
demnation, boycotting,  hazing,  mobbing,  lynching,  or 
other  collective  vengeance  not  inflicted  by  public  author- 
ity. 

Public  moral  activity,  —  i.e.  Juristic  Activity, — is  an 
enforcement  of  the  rules  of  law. 

Enforcement  takes  the  form  of  judgment  and  execution  by 
authorized  agents  of  the  public.  An  enforced  public  arbitration 
terminates  private  disputes.  Public  accusation,  trial,  and  solemn 
punishment  are  substituted  for  private  vengeance  and  lynching. 

4 .  Political  Thought  and  Activity. —  Socialization,  which 
begins  spontaneously  and  unconsciously  in  acquaintance, 
imitation,  and  conflict,  is  deliberately  furthered  by  con- 
certed volition.  To  this  end  all  new  developments  of 
appreciation,  of  utilization,  and  of  characterization,  are 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  process  of  assimilation.  Public 
and  private  cooperation  in  the  task  of  socialization,  thus 
complicated,  is  Political  Activity. 

Political  ideas  and  activities  regarded  as  a  cooperative 
development  of  socialization  cleave  into  two  distinct  divi- 
sions. The  ideas  of  the  one  division  are  concepts  of  in- 
dividuals regarded  as  members  of  society,  and  of  society 


130  Inductive  Sociology 

itself  as  enjoying  a  certain  distinction  or  attainment ;  the 
corresponding  activities  are  direct  dealings  by  society  with 
itself,  or  with  its  individual  members,  in  an  effort  to 
mould  their  natures  to  a  common  social  type.  The  ideas 
and  activities  of  the  other  division  relate  to  various 
means  by  which  the  end,  socialization,  is  more  or  less 
indirectly  achieved. 

Examining  first  the  political  ideas,  we  may  conveniently 
designate  the  two  divisions  or  groups  into  which  they  fall 
as  primary  and  secondary,  since  the  one  pertains  to  ends 
to  be  achieved  or  conserved,  and  the  other  pertains  to 
means. 

First,  among  the  primary  political  notions,  is  an  uncrit- 
ical idea  of  the  group  or  population  itself,  and  of  its  self- 
preservation. 

The  individual  members  of  a  community  in  their  own  persons  are 
the  supreme  end  or  object  for  which  the  society  exists.  All  social 
relations,  and  all  cooperative  activities,  are  means  for  the  safe-guard- 
ing and  the  perfection  of  these  concrete  associates. 

Second,  among  the  primary  political  ideas,  is  the  notion 
of  the  character  or  kind  of  the  group,  as  found  in  its 
individual  members  in  their  capacity  of  companions  or 
associates,  neighbours,  friends,  and  fellow-workers. 

As  a  member  of  society  every  individual  finds  himself  profoundly 
interested  in  the  concrete  personalities  about  him.  Their  qualities 
concern  him  directly.  His  own  self-preservation  may  depend  on 
their  character  and  social  attitude.  When  self-preservation  is 
assured,  all  other  social  phenomena  concern  him  chiefly  as  they 
affect  the  types  of  personality  with  which  he  has  to  deal. 

In  societies  that  have  a  public  organization  of  the  civil  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  tribal  type,  the  socius  is  a  citizen. 

This  object  of  ever-present  political  interest,  the  socius 
or  citizen,  may  be  conceived  as  actual  or  as  ideal. 


Concerted  Volition  131 

In  the  thought  of  the  socius  as  actual,  some  mode  or  point  of 
resemblance  is  seized  upon.  The  less  developed  a  community  is  and 
the  cruder  its  thinking,  the  more  likely  is  it  to  emphasize  the 
importance  of  that  resemblance  which  is  or  is  supposed  to  be  corre- 
'  lated  with  the  degree  of  kinship.  The  savage  bases  his  whole 
system  of  social  organization  upon  distinctions  of  real  or  nominal 
blood  relationship.  Minds  of  a  higher  development  fix  upon  mental 
and  moral  resemblances  irrespective  of  kinship,  and  as  expressed  in 
culture,  economy,  law,  or  politics. 

In  the  concept  of  the  socius  as  ideal,  the  point  of  resemblance 
usually  fixed  upon  is  the  type  of  character.  The  idealized  citizen  is 
conceived  as  a  forceful  man,  a  convivial  man,  an  austere  man,  or  a 
rationally  conscientious  man.  Concerted  effort  to  assimilate  differ- 
ent qualities  of  mind  and  character  in  the  community  is  usually  an 
attempt  to  mould  all  men  to  one  of  these  types  of  character  which, 
at  the  moment,  happens  to  be  preferred  above  any  other. 

Third  in  importance  among  primary  political  ideas  is 
that  of  the  preferred  distinction  or  attainment  of  the  com- 
munity. This  is  always  determined  by  the  preference  for 
one  or  another  type  of  character.  According  as  the  com- 
munity prefers  the  forceful,  the  convivial,  the  austere,  or 
the  rationally  conscientious  man,  it  desires  to  be  distin- 
guished for  power,  for  splendour,  for  uprightness  and 
justness,  or  for  liberty  and  enlightenment. 

The  secondary  political  ideas,  pertaining  to  the  means 
by  which  the  conservation  or  the  perfection  of  a  certain 
social  type  is  attained,  are  distributed  in  four  groups. 
They  comprise,  first,  notions  of  social  cohesion  or  unity ; 
second,  notions  of  the  extent  and  composition  of  the  com- 
munity; third,  ideas  of  social  property  or  possessions, 
and,  fourth,  ideas  of  social  policy. 

Combined  with  ideas  of  the  cohesion  of  the  community,  are  no- 
tions of  comprehension,  loyalty,  patronage,  bribery,  or  coercion,  as 
means  to  maintain  it.  The  notions  of  the  extent  and  composition  of 
the  community  include  the  concept  of  the  community  as  a  simple 
group  or  as  made  up  of  federated  or   consolidated  groups.     Con- 


132  Inductive  Sociology 

cepts  of  the  possessions  of  the  community  include  ideas  of  such  tra- 
ditional personages  as  gods,  saints,  and  heroes;  of  such  inherited 
territories  as  the  national  or  communal  domain,  historic  spots  and 
sacred  places ;  of  such  inherited  customs  as  those  constituting  wor- 
ship, the  arts,  amusements,  costumes,  manners,  and  language ;  of  such 
institutions  as  the  form  of  government,  the  legal  system,  contract, 
property,  the  labour  system,  the  church,  marriage,  and  the  family, 
and  the  state  itself.  Ideas  of  social  policy  include  plans  for  main- 
tenance or  growth,  programmes  of  socialization  or  modification  of 
the  social  type,  and  ideas  of  the  form  which  such  policies  should 
assume,  as  coercive  or  educative,  socialistic  or  individualistic. 

All  concerted  social  activity,  as  has  been  said,  assumes 
the  form  of  Aggression  or  the  form  of  Defence.  This  is 
more  conspicuously  true,  perhaps,  of  political  activity  than 
of  any  other  form  of  cooperation. 

The  simplest  concerted  acts  of  political  aggression  or  defence 
pertain  to  the  self-preservation  of  the  group  and  to  its  common  pos- 
sessions, namely,  the  gods,  the  sacred  places,  the  common  territory, 
the  cherished  customs  and  institutions.  Next  in  order  come,  col- 
lective aggression  upon,  or  collective  defence  of,  the  social  cohesion 
—  the  internal  public  order.  These  acts  may  take  the  form  of 
crusades,  riots,  insurrections,  or  rebellions,  or  the  opposite  form  of 
concerted  activity  to  put  down  such  disturbances.  Third  in  order  is 
collective  aggression  or  defence  relative  to  the  extent  and  composi- 
tion of  the  community,  usually  taking  the  form  of  wars  of  conquest 
and  expansion.  Finally,  comes  all  cooperative  activity  to  achieve 
the  preferred  distinction  of  the  community,  and  to  mould  the  citizen 
to  a  preferred  social  type. 

All  these  modes  of  social  activity,  like  cooperation  in 
cultural,  economic,  or  moral  activity,  may  be  public  or 
private. 

Private  political  cooperation  may  be  a  spontaneous  effort  to  repel 
an  impending  danger,  to  organize  resistance  or  rebellion,  or  to  awaken 
the  public  mind  to  a  consciousness  of  some  great  abuse  or  desirable 
reform.  It  may  be  a  systematic  agitation,  an  organized  electoral 
campaign,  or  the  organization  and  development  of  a  political  party. 


Concerted   Volition  133 

It  includes  the  activity  of  all  political  cliques,  clubs,  rings,  and 
"machines."  As  applied  to  the  preferred  distinction  of  the  com- 
munity and  the  preferred  type  of  citizen,  it  includes  all  efforts  to 
favour  one  type  of  conduct  and  character  at  the  expense  of  others, 
by  means  of  public  opinion,  or  of  private  penalties  and  rewards, 
including  discrimination,  patronage,  economic  coercion,  and  ecclesi- 
astical disfavour. 

The  state  engages  in  aggressive  and  defensive  operations  with 
reference  to  the  acquisition  or  protection  of  territory,  the  develop- 
ment or  conservation  of  religion  and  the  arts,  the  creation,  mainte- 
nance, or  overthrow  of  institutions,  and  the  maintenance  of  public 
order.  It  endeavours  to  achieve  the  preferred  distinction  of  the  com- 
munity by  means  of  a  formulated  policy,  carried  out  through  the 
agency  of  the  legislature,  the  executive,  and  the  courts.  It  represses 
certain  social  types  by  bringing  the  military  power,  the  law,  or  eccle- 
siastical penalties,  to  bear  upon  them.  It  cultivates  other  types  by 
means  of  educational  undertakings  and  by  public  favour. 


Modes  of  Concerted  Volition:   Like-mindedness 

When  the  simultaneous-like  responses  of  a  plural  number 
of  individuals  have  developed  through  the  consciousness  of 
kind  into  concerted  volition,  the  total  phenomenon  of 
resemblance  thus  established  may  be  called  like-mindedness}^ 
According  as  instinctive,  sympathetic,  dogmatic,  or  critical 
elements  predominate  in  the  type  of  mind,  will  the  mode 
of  concerted  volition  vary,  from  an  almost  instinctive 
action  up  through  impulsive  and  contagious  action  into 
formal,  or  perhaps  more  or  less  fanatical,  action,  or  ulti- 
mately into  deliberative  action.  And,  according  to  these 
variations,  may  the  like-mindedness,  as  a  whole,  be  described 
as  Instinctive,  Sympathetic,  Dogmatic,  or  Deliberative 
Like-mindedness. 

Instinctive  Like-mindedness.  —  The  simplest  combination 
of  the  feelings,  ideas,  and  volitions  of  a  number  of  individ- 
uals is  that  which  occurs  instinctively,  with  little  or  no 
conscious  realization  of  what  is  happening. 


134  Inductive  Sociology 

That  such  combinations  occur  among  animals  is  quite  certain. 
That  they  occur  among  human  beings  without  modification  by 
higher  mental  processes  is  possible  but  not  proven.  Among  human 
beings,  however,  there  are  formed  from  time  to  time  local  aggrega- 
tions of  individuals  so  ignorant,  so  uniformly  of  an  ideo-motor  type, 
that  their  cooperative  activity,  rudimentary  and  irregular,  is  very 
largely  a  phenomenon  of  instinct  rather  than  of  conscious  intent. 

1.  Subjective  Factors  of  Instinctive  Like-mindedness.  — 
The  basis  of  instinctive  like-mindedness,  including  instinc- 
tive cooperation,  is  a  predominance  of  the  ideo-motor  type 
of  mind.  Response  to  stimulus  is  prompt  and  mechanical, 
always  presenting  the  appearance  of  spontaneity.  Emo- 
tion is  strong  and  violent,  and  reasoning  conjectural.  The 
consciousness  of  kind  is  of  an  imperfect  sort,  sympathy 
and  perception  rather  than  the  complex  emotions  or  any 
reflective  thought  predominating.  Imitativeness  is  but 
moderately  developed,  while  combativeness  and  intoler- 
ance are  of  primitive  strength. 

Many  observations  and  tabulations  of  facts  must  be  made,  how- 
ever, before  much  that  is  specific  and  definite  can  be  affirmed  of  the 
subjective  factors  of  instinctive  social  action. 

2.  Objective  Factors.  —  As  we  have  already  seen,  the 
objective  factors  w^hich  enter  into  concerted  volition  are, 
the  means  and  frequency  of  communication  and  the  forms 
and  frequency  of  association. 

In  groups  of  purely  instinctive  individuals  there  can  be 
no  other  means  of  communication  than  those  which  nature 
provides.  There  must  be  actual  meeting,  and  an  expres- 
sion of  mental  states  by  voice  or  gesture. 

Inasmuch,  however,  as  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  instinct 
alone  ever  develops  into  concerted  volition  —  as  distinguished  from  an 
unpremeditated  cooperation  —  the  real  problem  for  the  student  of 
instinctive  like-mindedness  is  always  one  of  the  relative  proportion 
of  instinct  to  reason  in  the  actual  cooperation  observed.     If,  then,  in 


Concerted   Volition  135 

any  cooperating  group  the  means  of  communication  are  largely  arti- 
ficial, it  is  certain  that  the  like-mindedness  is  of  a  higher  grade  than 
the  instinctive. 

3.  Development  of  Cooperation.  —  Since  a  purely  instinc- 
tive cooperation  is  unpremeditated,  it  can  contribute  noth- 
ing to  the  development  of  cultural  ideas,  and  consequently 
can  add  nothing  more  than  mere  force  to  a  consciously 
intended  development  of  cultural,  economic,  moral,  and 
political  activities. 

Observations  of  these  complex  activities  in  groups  that  are  largely 
instinctive  rather  than  rational  must  therefore  relate  to  the  precise 
degree  and  extent  to  which  the  complex  activities  are  cooperatively 
developed. 

4.  Evidences  and  Extent  of  Instinctive  Like-minded- 
ness. —  If  language  consists  of  few  words,  and  shows  little 
grammatical  structure ;  if  poetic  and  plastic  ideas  are  sim- 
ple, though  genuine  and  aesthetically  good;  if  religious 
ideas  are  extremely  low  and  crude,  and  scientific  ideas 
almost  lacking;  if  the  cultural  activities  seldom  rise 
above  the  level  of  coarse  festivity  and  crudely  mimetic 
dancing;  if  economic  ideas  and  activities  are  prevailingly 
animistic  rather  than  scientific;  if  the  only  moral  sanc- 
tions are  private  revenge  and  collective  vengeance,  and  if 
political  ideas  embrace  only  the  social  type  and  organiza- 
tion of  a  small  horde  of  consanguini,  or  of  an  isolated 
local  community,  it  is  safe  to  describe  and  to  classify  the 
like-mindedness  as  on  the  whole  instinctive. 

Such  groups  are  the  endogamous  hordes  of  the  lowest  savagery, 
and  certain  small  and  very  ignorant  rural  neighbourhoods  or  city 
slums  in  modern  populations.  The  type  is  well  represented  in  the 
"  squatter." 

Instinctive  like-mindedness  is  combined  with  elements  of  ration- 
ality in  all  the  higher  modes  of  concerted  volition.  Its  important 
contribution  to  cooperation  is  energy,  —  a  prompt,  vigorous  activity, 
the  basis  of  all  accomplishment. 


136  Inductive  Sociology 

Sympathetic  Like-mindedness.  —  A  higher  and  more  com- 
plex like-mindedness  is  that  which  is  predominantly  sym- 
pathetic and  imitative.  No  social  phenomenon  has  occupied 
a  larger  place  in  the  totality  of  human  affairs  than  this, 
and  none  calls  for  more  painstaking  study  by  the  serious 
investigator. 

1.  Subjective  Factors  of  Sympathetic  Like-mindedness.  — 
The  basis  of  all  sympathetic  like-mindedness  is  found  in  a 
predominance  of  the  ideo-emotional  type  of  mind,  with  its 
prompt  response  to  stimulus,  its  emotionalism,  imagina- 
tiveness, suggestibility,  and  habit  of  reasoning  from 
analogy.  Other  factors  are  a  reciprocal  consciousness  of 
kind  which  is  rapidly  formed,  a  great  susceptibility  to 
emblem  and  shibboleth,  great  imitativeness,  and  contagious 
emotion. 

(1)  Impulsive  Like-response.  —  The  like  response  to 
stimulus  in  which  a  sympathetic  like-mindedness  begins  is 
prompt,  but  it  is  less  automatic  than  the  response  of  mere 
instinct. 

Little  of  the  current  of  energy  which  is  carried  along  afferent 
nerves  to  the  spinal  cord  is  switched  off  into  the  thought  centres  of 
the  brain  to  set  up  deliberation ;  but  it  may  be  enough  to  convert 
mere  reflex  action  or  blind  instinct  into  a  conscious,  even  though 
practically  resistless,  impulse.* 

(2)  Suggestibility.  —  This  impulsive  like-response,  how- 
ever, is  not  to  external  stimulus  merely.  In  the  phe- 
nomena of  sympathetic  like-mindedness  a  large  part  is 
played  by  suggestion. 

A  person  is  subject  to  suggestion  if  he  responds  unconsciously  to 
an  idea  as  we  all  respond  automatically  in  reflex  action  to  a  sensa- 
tion. The  normal  tendency  of  an  idea,  as  of  a  sensation,  is  toward 
motor  discharge ;  for  an  idea  is  not  only  a  state  of  consciousness,  it 

1  For  a  careful  discussion  of  the  difference  between  instinct  and  impulse  see 
Marshall,  "  Instinct  and  Reason,"  Part  III. 


Concerted  Volition  137 

is  also  a  hint  to  do  something  —  it  is  a  suggestion.  The  tendency  to 
act  is  held  in  check  only  by  counteracting  ideas.  If  no  counter- 
acting ideas  come  into  the  mind,  or  if,  when  they  come,  they  receive 
no  attention,  the  idea  already  there  has  everything  its  own  way. 
The  suggestion  is  unconsciously  followed.  Complete  inability  to 
resist  suggestion  is,  however,  an  abnormal  state  of  the  brain.  It  is 
known  as  the  hypnotic  trance.  The  critical  faculty  of  the  hypno- 
tized patient  is  altogether  suspended ;  and  he  converts  suggestions 
into  acts  with  the  unhesitating  precision  of  a  machine.  Hypnotic 
conditions  are  not  infrequently  found  in  the  phenomena  of  concerted 
volition. 

(3)  Reciprocal  Consciousness  of  Kind.  —  Suggestibility 
is  heightened  by  a  reciprocal  consciousness  of  kind.  By 
this  term  is  meant  a  consciousness  of  kind  that  exists  at 
the  same  moment  in  each  of  the  resembling  individuals. 

Obviously,  it  may  happen  that  one  of  two  or  more  resembling  in- 
dividuals becomes  aware  of  the  resemblance  before  any  other  person 
does.  Such  a  consciousness  of  kind,  limited  to  the  thought  of  a 
single  individual,  cannot  give  rise  to  concerted  volition.  But  when 
each  of  the  resembling  individuals  becomes  aware  of  the  resemblance, 
such  consciousness  may  become  a  suggestion  to  combined  action,  or 
it  may  create  suggestions  which  will  initiate  concerted  volition. 

(4)  Emblem  and  Shibboleth.  —  The  suggestions  here  re- 
ferred to  are  created  by  the  reciprocal  consciousness  of 
kind  by  fixing  the  attention  of  each  individual  upon  some 
object,  word,  phrase,  or  cry.  Such  an  object  or  v^^ord 
must,  however,  be  a  symbol  or  sign,  calling  to  mind  a 
group  of  facts  in  which  the  mind  is  interested. 

The  national  flag,  for  example,  is  a  symbol  that  calls  to  mind  all 
the  ideas  and  emotions  of  patriotism.  When,  at  the  same  moment, 
the  attention  of  many  individuals  is  arrested  by  this  symbol,  as  it  is 
when  the  flag  is  unfurled  on  some  noteworthy  occasion,  it  not  only 
serves  as  a  stimulus  to  which  the  ideas,  emotions,  and  conduct  of  the 
men  who  behold  it  respond  in  like  ways,  and  as  a  means  of  awaken- 
ing their  consciousness  of  kind  as  they  think  of  their  common  coun- 


138  Inductive  Sociology 

try,  their  common  history,  and  their  common  hopes  for  the  future, 
but  it  also  starts  yet  other  modes  of  mental  activity  which  greatly 
complicate  those  already  mentioned. 

The  process  is  this:  The  reciprocal  consciousness  of 
kind,  acting  upon  common  possessions,  interests,  and 
ideas  converts  their  images,  symbols,  and  names  into 
Social  Emblems  and  Shibboleths. 

Examples  of  emblems  and  shibboleths  are  armorial  bearings,  the 
flags  and  banners  of  states,  and  such  words  or  phrases  as  "  family," 
"  home,"  "  class,"  "  altars,"  "  the  gods,"  "  the  fathers,"  "  the  coun- 
try," "  native  land,"  "  the  king,"  "  the  army,"  "  the  party,"  "  our 
cause,"  "  the  right,"  "  liberty,"  and  "  fraternity."  Any  one  of  these 
words  may,  in  a  moment  of  general  excitement,  arouse  a  crowd  to 
furious  enthusiasm  or  even  to  frenzy. 

Such  objects  and  names  are  not  converted  into  emblems 
and  shibboleths,  and  do  not  acquire  their  power  over  the 
human  mind  merely  by  meaning  the  same  things  to  many 
individuals,  or  even  by  being  thought  of  by  many  indi- 
viduals at  the  same  moment.  They  become  emblems  and 
shibboleths  only  when  each  individual  is  conscious  that,  at 
a  given  moment,  they  mean  to  his  associates  what  they 
mean  to  him,  and  arouse  in  them  the  same  emotions  that 
they  arouse  in  him.  They  are  emblems  and  shibboleths 
only  when  they  are  products  of  a  reciprocal  consciousness 
of  kind,  but  as  such  products  they  powerfully  react  upon 
the  consciousness  of  kind  itself. 

The  emblem  or  shibboleth  not  only  calls  the  attention  of  an  indi- 
vidual who  sees  or  hears  it  to  the  object  or  fact  that  it  symbolizes, 
and  awakens  in  him  certain  feelings ;  it  also  fixes  his  attention  upon 
the  feelings  that  it  arouses  and  the  conduct  that  it  incites  in  others. 
The  emotions  and  conduct  of  others,  of  which  he  is  thus  made  aware, 
at  once  begin  to  act  upon  himself  as  an  influence  that  merges  with 
the  original  effect  of  the  emblem  or  shibboleth.  It  intensifies  or 
diminishes  the  initial  power  of  the  symbol  over  his  mind,  and 
quickens  or  restrains  his  responsive  action. 


Concerted   Volition  139 

(5)  Imitativeness.  —  If  with  the  foregoing  factors  great 
imitativeness  be  combined,  there  will  exist  the  possibility 
of  exceedingly  swift  concerted  action  by  great  masses  of 
men,  which,  in  its  character,  will  be  blindly  impulsive, 
wholly  uncontrolled  by  critical  deliberation,  unconscious 
of  the  right  or  the  wrong,  the  expediency  or  the  inexpedi- 
ency of  what  is  being  done,  and  regardless  of  consequences. 

(6)  Contagious  Emotion.  — Among  suggestible  and  imi- 
tative individuals  emotion  is  often  highly  contagious,  and 
if  strong  emotion,  particularly  fear,  anger,  or  hate,  is 
added  to  the  factors  already  described,  we  have  the  com- 
plete phenomenon  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness. 

The  sympathetic  concert  of  will  may  be  incredible  in  its  brutality 
or  astonishing  in  its  heroism  or  magnanimity,  according  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  stimulus  in  which  it  began. 

2.  Objective  Factors.  —  Suggestion  by  emblem  and  shib- 
boleth and  the  contagion  of  emotion  depend  upon  com- 
munication. The  effectiveness  and  rapidity  of  suggestion, 
and  both  the  intensity  and  the  extent  of  contagious  emo- 
tion depend  largely  upon  the  means  and  the  extent  of 
communication  and  upon  the  character  of  association. 

(1)  Physical  Conditions  and  Communication. —  Coopera- 
ting with  the  ideo-emotional  type  of  mind  are  certain  pre- 
disposing conditions  favourable  to  suggestion  by  emblem 
or  shibboleth  and  to  emotional  contagion.  The  means 
and  extent  of  communication  and  the  character  of  associa- 
tion enable  these  conditions  to  exert  their  full  influence, 
or  they  counteract  and  annul  them. 

First  among  the  conditions  referred  to  are  those  strictly 
physical  conditions  of  geography  and  climate  that  predis- 
pose social  populations  to  emotional  and  impulsive  action. 

It  has  long  been  observed  that  the  southern  peoples  of  the  north- 
ern hemisphere  are  more  excitable  and  impulsive,  in  both  individual 


140  Inductive  Sociology 

and  social  activity,  than  are  the  people  of  colder  northern  climes. 
To  what  extent  this  is  due  to  temperature  merely,  we  do  not  yet 
know.  It  is,  however,  certain  that  excessive  temperature  is  a  real 
factor  in  emotional  conduct.* 

Rapid  alternations  of  heat  and  cold,  and  especially  swift  transi- 
tions from  winter  to  summer,  and  from  summer  to  winter,  combined 
with  a  dull  monotony  of  surface,  as  on  the  steppes  of  Russia  or  the 
vast  plains  of  America,  strongly  predispose  a  population  to  a  moody 
emotionalism.^  An  equable  climate,  combined  with  a  varied  and 
interesting  topography,  as  in  ancient  Greece  and  in  modern  Eng- 
land, predisposes  a  population  to  intellectual  activity  and  to  a  con- 
trol of  emotionalism  by  thought. 

In  lands  where  earthquakes,  famines,  and  pestilences  are  most 
frequent,  the  habitual  state  of  fear  represses  a  cool,  critical,  intellec- 
tual activity,  and  stimulates  imagination  and  emotion.  These  are 
the  states  of  mind  that  most  powerfully  contribute  to  sympathetic 
like-mindedness  and  impulsive  social  action.^ 

The  power  of  these  physical  conditions  to  increase  the 
preponderant  influence  of  the  emotional  factors,  and  espe- 
cially fear,  in  sympathetic  like-mindedness,  depends  upon 
an  intellectual  condition,  namely,  the  relative  proportions 
of  ignorance  and  knowledge. 

In  the  nature  of  things,  an  ignorant  population  can  act  deliber- 
ately, that  is,  with  rational  consideration,  only  to  a  very  slight  ex- 
tent. Deliberation  must  have  material  to  work  upon.  Reason  is 
incapable  of  arriving  at  sound  conclusions  unless  it  has  stores  of 
accurate  knowledge  to  think  about.     An  ignorant  population,  there- 

1  This  is  proven  in  very  many  ways,  among  others  by  the  increasing  number 
of  crimes  of  violence  with  the  transition  from  early  spring  to  summer  in  countries 
like  the  United  States,  England,  France,  and  Germany  ;  by  the  increase  at  the 
same  period  of  the  year  of  nervous  disorders  ;  and  by  the  greater  difficulty  that 
the  managers  of  prisons,  jails,  insane  asylums,  and  other  places  where  people  are 
restrained  of  liberty,  have  in  maintaining  the  usual  routine  of  discipline  when- 
ever a  sudden  rise  of  temperature  occurs.  See  Edwin  G.  Dexter,  "  Conduct  and 
the  Weather";  The  Psychological  Beview,  Monograph  Supplements,  Vol.  II, 
No.  10  ;  Morselli,  "  Suicide";   and  Morrison  "  Crime  and  Its  Causes." 

2  See  an  interesting  discussion  of  the  Russian  character  by  William  Dudley 
Foulke,  "  Slav  or  Saxon,"  Chapter  ii. 

8  See  especially  Henry  Thomas  Buckle,  ♦♦  Introduction  to  the  History  of 
Civilization  in  England." 


Concerted  Volition  141 

fore,  is  at  the  mercy  of  its  sensations,  passions,  superstitions,  and 
fears.  It  can  easily  be  led  to  believe  that  danger  threatens  when 
no  danger  exists,  and  that  salvation  depends  upon  some  instant 
course  of  action  that  complete  knowledge  would  show  to  be  cruel 
and  disastrous. 

The  relative  proportions  of  knowledge  and  ignorance,  in 
turn,  depend  upon  the  extent  of  communication,  which,  in 
its  turn,  is  closely  correlated  with  the  means  of  communi- 
cation. 

Ignorance  is  the  necessary  condition  of  those  whose  communica- 
tion is  limited  to  vocal  conversation  within  a  narrow  circle  of  ac- 
quaintances, whose  own  range  of  acquaintance  does  not  extend 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  a  neighbourhood  or  province.  Only  where 
communication  extends  to  minds  of  every  grade,  crossing  all  boun- 
daries of  state  and  nation,  and  reaching  back  through  generations  to 
the  great  minds  of  all  ages,  can  knowledge  be  sufficient  to  overcome 
the  fear-inducing  power,  and  the  otherwise  exciting  power,  of  those 
physical  conditions  that  have  been  described.  But  that  such  com- 
munication may  be  possible,  the  artificial  means  of  communication 
must  be  developed.  Letters,  books,  and  newspapers  are  indispensa- 
ble agents.  On  the  other  hand,  these  artificial  means  of  communi- 
cation are  by  no  means  necessary  to  the  rapid  and  wide  extension  of 
a  contagious  and  violent  social  action  of  the  sympathetic  type; 
witness  such  uprisings  as  the  Crusades,  Wat  Tyler's  Insurrection, 
the  Peasants'  Eevolt,  and  the  Reign  of  Terror. 

(2)  Association :  the  Croivd.  —  The  character  of  associ- 
ation, however,  may  annul  the  effect  of  knowledge,  and 
give  full  play  to  ignorance  and  emotional  excitement. 

Neither  external  physical  conditions,  nor  states  of  the 
individual  mind,  could  produce  the  full  effects  so  often 
witnessed  in  impulsive  social  action,  if  there  were  not 
added  to  the  combination  a  strictly  social  condition  also, 
namely,  the  massing  of  men  in  crowds. 

It  is  the  crowd  that  reveals  possibilities  of  unreason,  fear,  fury, 
and  insatiable  cruelty,  from  which  even  ignorant  and  superstitious 
individuals  in  their  calmer  moments  would  shrink  back  appalled. 


142  Inductive  Sociology 

The  crowd  curiously  resembles  the  undeveloped  mind  of  the  child 
and  of  the  savage.  Naturally,  men  in  crowds  are  subject  to  a  swift 
contagion  of  feeling  that  would  be  impossible  were  they  dispersed, 
and  able  to  communicate  only  slowly  and  with  difficulty.  For  the 
same  reason  they  are  extremely  sensitive  to  suggestion  and  to  unno- 
ticed influences.  In  crowds,  men  are  even  more  likely  to  think  in 
terms  of  symbolic  images,  catch  words,  and  shibboleths,  than  when 
by  themselves.  This,  of  course,  is  because  others  are  continually 
calling  their  attention  to  symbols,  and,  with  emotional  fervour,  repeat- 
ing the  fetichistic  phrases.  With  the  critical  faculty  in  abeyance, 
men  in  crowds  are  in  a  state  of  mind  to  be  easily  deceived,  to  be- 
lieve any  wild  rumour  that  is  started,  and  even  to  become  subject  to 
hallucination.  The  crowd  is  devoid  of  the  sense  of  responsibility, 
because,  when  lost  in  the  mass,  the  individual  loses  his  own  feeling 
of  responsibility,  and  acquires  a  sense  of  invincible  power,  and  so 
gives  way  to  impulses,  which,  if  he  were  alone,  he  would  control. 
Like  the  savage  and  the  child,  the  crowd  is  intolerant  of  anything 
interposed  between  its  desires  and  their  realization ;  and  it  always 
manifests  a  tendency  to  carry  suggested  ideas  immediately  into  ac- 
tion. Crowds,  therefore,  are  mobile,  and  with  changing  excitants 
they  are  generous,  heroic,  or  pusillanimous. 

3.  Developinent  of  Cooperation. — As  compared  with 
instinctive  like-mindedness,  the  contribution  of  sympa- 
thetic like-mindedness  to  the  development  of  the  complex 
activities  is  varied  and  large. 

Cultural  ideas  it  enriches  on  every  hand. 

To  language  it  adds  innumerable  words  and  expressions  of  sym- 
bolic and  suggestive  quality.  To  the  development  of  poetic  and 
plastic  ideas  it  brings  a  warm  and  fine  imagination,  and  contributes 
most  of  those  fresh,  genuine,  spontaneous  conceptions  which  are  the 
content  of  all  the  most  genuine  and  effective  art ;  a  content  not  yet 
subdued  by  criticism,  but  one  which  the  purely  critical  mind  could 
never  create.  To  religious  ideas  it  adds  many  more  or  less  grotesque 
products  of  imagination,  and  yet,  on  the  whole,  it  raises  religious 
conceptions  much  above  the  level  of  that  rudest  fetichism  found  in 
primitive  groups  of  the  ideo-motor  type.  Symbolism  in  general,  the 
use  of  images  and  totemistic  emblems,  are  products  of  the  sympathetic 


Concerted   Volition  143 

like-mindedness.  Even  scientific  ideas  receive  some  additions  from 
analogical  reasoning.  The  whole  scheme  of  primitive  magic  is  the 
creation  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness. 

In  cultural  activity  sympathetic  like-mindedness  finds  a 
wide  field  which  it  enjoys  with  unrestrained  abandon. 

Convivial  pleasures  of  every  description  are  developed  to  their 
utmost  power  of  affording  excitement.  Religious  activities  become 
exciting,  and  often  widespread,  revivals,  characterized  by  contagious 
emotion  and  hypnotic  trance,  by  pilgrimages,  and  by  impressive 
ceremonial  worship. 

Economic  ideas  cannot  be  developed  into  scientific  con- 
ceptions of  utility,  cost,  and  productive  labour,  by  the  co- 
operative efforts  of  a  merely  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
but  they  can  be  expanded  by  comparison  and  analogical 
reasoning. 

Economic  activity,  in  like  manner,  under  sympathetic 
like-mindedness  can  be  developed  into  direct  cooperation 
on  a  comparatively  large  scale. 

Examples  are  afforded  by  hunting  and  fishing,  planting,  harvest- 
ing, and  building. 

The  most  important  manifestations  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness 
in  economic  activity  are  found,  however,  only  in  a  more  advanced 
industrial  system  than  the  sympathetic  type  of  cooperation  of  itself 
could  create.  When  the  advanced  industrial  system  has  been  created 
by  the  more  highly  rational  modes  of  like-mindedness,  the  sympa- 
thetic like-mindedness  which  survives  in  all  societies,  however  highly 
evolved,  can  from  time  to  time  manifest  itself  in  widespread  eco- 
nomic speculations,  industrial  "booms,''  financial  panics,  and  con- 
tagious strikes. 

The  chief  contribution  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness 
to  the  development  of  juristic  ideas  is  a  great  expansion 
of  the  conception  of  collective  sanctions,  of  every  kind. 

Especially  characteristic  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness  are  the 
sanctions  of  common  sentiment,  common  ridicule,  general  boycotting, 


144  Inductive  Sociology 

mobbing,  and  lynching.     In  the  actual  enforcing  of  these  sanctions 
are  found  the  characteristic  moral  and  juristic  activities. 

Political  ideas  and  activities  are  in  a  small,  but  positive, 
measure  developed  by  sympathetic  like-mindedness. 

The  preferred  mode  of  resemblance,  in  so  far  as  the  socius  or 
citizen  is  conceived  as  an  actual  type,  is  likely  to  be  found  in  eco- 
nomic conduct  rather  than  in  cultural  attainment.  The  preferred  ideal 
type  is  the  convivial  man,  and  the  preferred  attainment  of  the  com- 
munity is  prosperity.  Conceptions  of  ways  and  means  are  likely  to 
include  the  thought  of  an  extension,  and  further  organization  by 
federation  or  consolidation,  of  originally  small  communities,  and  of 
various  forms  of  patronage  or  bribery  as  means  of  maintaining 
social  cohesion.  They  include,  furthermore,  a  very  important 
development  of  the  names  and  symbols  of  all  institutions,  customs, 
territory,  and  other  possessions,  into  social  emblems  and  shibbo- 
leths of  great  controlling  effect  upon  individual  minds. 

Political  activities,  as  developed  by  the  sympathetic  like-minded- 
ness, commonly  take  the  form  of  crusades,  riots,  insurrections,  or  of 
intensely  emotional  political  campaigns.  The  degree  of  socialization 
which  sympathetic  like-mindedness  can  produce  is,  on  the  whole, 
low.  Its  motive  hardly  rises  above  the  mere  love  of  companionship 
or  an  ideo-emotional  sympathy.  The  method  is  usually  that  of 
incitement  by  suggestion,  combined  with  the  social  coercion  char- 
acteristic of  instinctive  like-mindedness. 

4.  Evidences  and  Extent  of  Sympathetic  Like-minded- 
ness.  —  Evidences  of  the  relative  amount  of  sympathetic 
like-mindedness  in  the  community  should  be  looked  for  in 
the  frequency  and  extent  of  emotional  contagion  and 
impulsive  action;  especially  of  revivals,  panics,  sympa- 
thetic strikes,  riots,  and  insurrections,  and  of  the  number 
of  persons  participating  in  or  affected  by  them. 

The  sympathetic  mode  of  like-mindedness  is  characteristic  of 
exogamous  hordes  of  savages,  and  in  modern  populations  of  relatively 
ignorant,  though  not  the  most  ignorant  neighbourhoods  in  rural  and 
city  communities,  and  of  more  cultivated  sections  of  the  social  popu- 
lation when  labouring  under  great  excitement.     Examples  of  the 


Concerted  Volition  145 

sympathetic  type  of  cooperator  are  the  religious  shouter,  the  striker, 
the  "heeler,"  and  the  revolutionist.  They  are  found  in  the  cluster 
of  hordes,  the  camp  meeting,  the  "  gang,"  the  crowd,  and  the  mob. 

Dogmatic  or  Formal  Like-mindedness.  —  More  complex 
than  sympathetic  like-mindedness  is  the  like-mindedness 
that  is  dogmatically  radical  or  dogmatic  and  formal — tra- 
ditional, customary,  and  conservative.  The  minds  of  many 
individuals  are  simultaneously  occupied  with  new  and 
absorbing  dogmas,  which  may  be  of  the  most  radical 
description ;  or  with  beliefs,  precepts,  maxims,  and  facts  of 
knowledge  that  have  been  handed  down  by  preceding  gen- 
erations to  the  present,  and  which  oifer  obstinate  resistance 
to  innovation  in  thought  or  conduct.  In  connection  with 
a  mere  occupation  of  the  mind  with  these  things  is  a 
simultaneous  like  responsiveness  to  them,  taking  the  form 
of  attempts  to  put  a  radical  programme  into  operation,  or 
the  form  of  a  daily  obedience  to  inherited  precepts  or  rules. 

1.  Subjective  Factors  of  Dogmatic  Like-mindedness.  — 
The  like-mindedness  which  is  here  described  is  thus  either 
radical  or  conservative,  while  yet,  in  all  cases,  dogmatic  in 
type,  because  its  essential  element  is  belief,  and  belief  may 
be  either  new  and  innovating,  or  traditional  and  obstructive. 
In  either  case  it  is  assertive,  impatient  of  criticism,  andl 
little  disposed  to  be  conciliatory.  To  some  extent,  how- 
ever, knowledge  is  combined  with  belief  in  dogmatic  like- 
mindedness.  A  further  subjective  factor  of  dogmatic 
like-mindedness  is  the  habit  of  deductive  reasoning,  without 
criticism  of  premises. 

(1)  Belief.  —  Between  belief  and  knowledge  there  is  a 
fundamental  difference  which,  not  infrequently,  is  of  vital 
consequence  in  the  practical  affairs  of  human  life.  Belief 
is  not  to  any  important  extent  a  product  of  .critical  think- 
ing or  of  the  process  of  arriving  at  rational  judgments,  but 
is  rather  a  form  of  emotion. 


146  Inductive  Sociology 

Belief  is  so  far  separated  from  knowledge  that  not  infrequently 
the  most  positive  beliefs  are  affirmations  of  alleged  truths  which, 
upon  investigation,  prove  to  have  no  foundation  in  fact. 

Knowledge,  on  the  other  hand,  is  truth  that  cannot  be  overthrown 
by  any  process  of  testing  or  criticising.  The  man  of  scientific 
knowledge  can  always  say,  "This  proposition  is  true,  not  merely 
because  I  believe  it,  or  because  any  other  man  believes ;  it  is  true 
because  any  man  who  disbelieves  it,  can,  if  he  will,  subject  it  to  any 
sort  of  test  or  criticism  without  being  able  to  overthrow  it." 

The  cause  of  belief  is  a  well-established  correlation  in 
the  human  mind  between  effort  and  success,  between  desire 
and  satisfaction,  between  hope  and  its  realization,  between 
vivid  ideas  and  a  corresponding  reality.  Effort  may  fail, 
but  it  does  not  usually  fail.  Desire  or  hope  may  be  disap- 
pointed, but  it  is  not  usually  disappointed.  Vivid  ideas 
may  be  misleading  phantasms,  but  in  general  they  are 
approximately  true  reflections  of  fact.  Therefore,  until 
we  contract  a  counteracting  habit  of  asking  sceptical  ques- 
tions, we  expect  as  we  attempt ;  as  we  hope  or  imagine,  we 
believe. 

The  proof  is  simple.  All  efforts,  desires,  and  hopes  are  imme- 
diately or  remotely  associated  with  the  fundamental  appetites  of 
hunger,  the  sex  instinct,  and  intellectual  curiosity.  If,  in  the  vast 
majority  of  instances,  these  appetites  were  not  gratified,  and  the 
hopes  that  have  grown  out  of  them  were  not  realized,  both  the  indi- 
vidual and  the  race  would  perish.  The  mere  fact  that  life  exists  is 
the  sufficient  proof  that  effort,  desire,  and  hope  usually  terminate 
in  satisfaction.  It  follows  that  a  confident  expectation  that  desire 
or  hope  will  be  realized  is  the  normal  habit  of  our  minds. 

Again,  if  usually  we  have  succeeded  in  our  undertakings,  it  is 
certain  that,  in  a  majority  of  instances,  our  ideas  of  the  things  to  be 
achieved,  and  our  theories  of  the  best  way  of  achieving,  have,  on  the 
whole,  been  sound.  Consequently,  we  have  acquired  the  same  self- 
assured  confidence  in  our  own  ideas  that  we  have  in  our  own  power 
to  achieve  success.  In  the  absence  of  a  critical  habit  of  putting  our 
ideas  and  theories  to  severe  tests,  we  unthinkingly  assume  that 
our  ideas  of  events  or  things  are  true  pictures  of  them,  and  that 


Concerted   Volition  147 

theories  or  explanations  which  appeal  to  us  are  true  accounts  of 
the  facts.  And  all  this  is  as  true  of  our  interpretations  of  the  past 
as  it  is  of  our  forecasts  of  the  future. 

This,  then,  is  the  nature  of  belief.  It  is  the  confident 
expectation  that  what  we  desire  will  come  true;  that 
what  we  find  to  be  extremely  interesting  in  accounts  of 
the  past  is  true ;  that  ideas  and  theories  which  stand 
forth  clearly  in  our  minds  undoubtedly  are  true.  And 
this  confidence  we  feel  because,  in  a  majority  of  instances, 
the  things  that  we  have  desired  and  striven  for  have  been 
realized ;  and  the  ideas  and  theories  that  we  have  acted 
upon  in  our  striving  have  turned  out  to  be  sufficiently 
accurate  for  practical  purposes.  Consequently,  the  habit 
of  our  minds  is  this :  in  the  absence  of  criticism,  whatever 
we  ardently  desire,  we  confidently  expect;  whatever  we 
vividly  imagine,  we  believe  to  be  true. 

Belief,  accordingly,  is  analogous  to  reflex  action  and  response  to 
suggestion.  We  have  seen  that,  in  the  absense  of  any  intervention 
of  the  higher  thought  centres,  —  of  any  inhibition  of  action  by  a 
critical  deliberation,  —  stimulation  is  followed  by  a  nervous  dis- 
charge and  muscular  movement.  In  like  manner,  in  the  absence 
of  critical  investigation,  desire  and  imagination  pass  immediately 
and  without  obstruction  into  belief. 

From  the  foregoing  account  of  belief,  it  appears  that  belief  is 
more  closely  associated  with  the  sympathetic,  emotional,  and  imita- 
tive modes  of  mental  activity  than  with  the  rational  and  deliberative 
modes.  In  fine,  belief  is  merely  a  further  stage  in  the  development 
of  the  emotional  and  imaginative  states  of  the  mind,  which  has 
resulted  from  subjecting  them  to  a  series  of  practical  experiments, 
in  which  success  has,  all  in  all,  been  more  frequent  than  failure. 

(2)  Deductive  Reasoning.  —  Next  in  importance  to  be- 
lief as  an  element  in  dogmatic  like-mindedness  is  that 
habit  of  deductive  reasoning  which  already  we  have  seen 
to  be  a  characteristic  of  the  dogmatic  type  of  mind. 


148  Inductive  Sociology 

No  longer  satisfied  with  superficial  analogy,  much  less  with  guess- 
work, the  dogmatic  mind  has  acquired  the  art  of  exact  deduction 
from  given  premises.  Its  perception  of  the  certainty  of  its  logical 
processes,  and  consequently  of  its  conclusions  if  the  premises  are 
sound,  is  probably  the  chief  influence  establishing  the  uncompro- 
mizing  assertiveness,  in  a  word,  the  dogmatism  of  this  intellectual 
type.  Unhappily,  the  premises  which  satisfy  this  type  are  in 
nearly  all  cases  mere  beliefs,  and  not  facts  of  inductively  established 
knowledge.  Consequently,  an  essentially  emotional  state  of  mind  — 
belief  —  is  habitually  combined  with  a  mode  of  reasoning  that  in 
itself  is  perfectly  accurate.  Thus  arises  the  notorious  peculiarity 
of  the  dogmatic  mind,  namely,  a  tendency  to  feel  perfectly  certain 
of  its  conclusions  in  precisely  those  cases  in  which  its  conclusions 
are  quite  as  likely  to  be  wrong  as  right. 

2.  Objective  Factors.  —  The  creation  from  these  ele- 
ments —  of  belief  and  deductive  reasoning  —  of  a  dogmatic 
or  formal  like-mindedness  in  the  community  is  made  pos- 
sible by  certain  further  developments  of  the  objective 
factors,  communication  and  association. 

(1)  Communication:  Common  Beliefs. — The  tendency 
of  the  mind  to  accept  as  true  v^hatever  is  vividly  imagined 
or  ardently  desired  if  no  critical  activity  of  the  reason 
intervenes,  is  enormously  strengthened  when  the  thing 
believed,  or  that  the  mind  tends  to  believe,  is  already 
believed  by  other  persons  in  whom  the  individual  has 
personal  confidence. 

In  the  account  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness  it  was  shown  that 
any  spontaneous  emotion  or  impulse  awakened  in  the  mind  by  an 
emblem  or  shibboleth  is  enormously  strengthened  by  knowledge  that 
other  persons  also  are  moved  by  it.  In  like  manner,  the  tendency 
of  the  mind  to  believe  anything  is  strengthened  by  the  knowledge 
that  other  persons  already  believe.  In  short,  the  consciousness  of 
kind  is  a  powerful  element  in  the  growth  of  popular  belief. 

All  this,  however,  depends  upon  the  extent  of  communi- 
cation. It  depends,  also,  much  more  than  might  be  sup- 
posed, upon  the  mode  of  communication.     Emphatic  and 


Concerted   Volition  149 

impressive  assertion  by  word  of  mouth  is  far  more  effec- 
tive in  the  propagation  of  belief  than  is  a  colourless  writ- 
ten or  printed  statement. 

The  modern  newspaper,  however,  is  an  exceedingly  efficient 
agency  for  the  propagation  of  baseless  or  questionable  beliefs. 
Ignorant  minds  attach  an  unwarranted  importance  to  newspaper 
reports.  Impressive  head-lines,  and  indeed  the  mere  printed  word  in 
any  form,  affect  them  much  as  does  the  spoken  word  of  a  strong  per- 
sonality. Newspaper  statements  are,  moreover,  made  with  dogmatic 
authority.  The  exact  conditions  under  which  information  has  been 
obtained  are  not  reported,  and  verification  by  the  reader  is  practically 
impossible.  The  striking,  the  dramatic,  the  sensational  elements, 
are  magnified,  and  the  whole  endeavour  is  to  make  a  readable  story 
which  will  be  accepted  at  its  face  value  without  criticism. 

Thus  impressively  communicated  from  mind  to  mind, 
innumerable  beliefs  of  individuals  become  common  beliefs, 
undoubtingly  accepted  by  entire  populations. 

On  the  whole  they  have  a  practical  justification.  Most  of  them 
relate  to  objects  of  practical  endeavour,  to  conditions  of  individual 
and  social  existence,  and  to  methods  of  individual  and  social  activity 
by  which  practical  success  in  life  is  attained.  And  in  the  experience 
of  the  community,  as  in  that  of  the  individual,  conduct  guided  chiefly 
by  imagination  and  emotional  belief  has  more  often  than  not 
achieved  a  measure  of  real  success  in  practical  undertakings. 

Yet  further  is  the  tendency  to  believe  strengthened  by 
the  knowledge  that  not  only  one's  contemporaries  believe, 
but  that  preceding  generations  for  ages  past  also  have 
believed. 

The  presumption  in  favour  of  the  truth  of  the  belief  has  become 
enormous,  not  only  because  its  antiquity  is  an  impressive  fact 
appealing  to  imagination,  but  because  if  the  critical  intelligence 
begins  to  question,  it  is  likely  to  be  easily  satisfied  by  the  reflection 
that  if  the  belief  were  untrue,  its  falsity  must  long  ago  have  been 
discovered  and  exposed. 


150  Inductive  Sociology 

Common  beliefs  so  handed  down  from  age  to  age,  and 
combined  with  many  shreds  and  scraps  of  actual  know- 
ledge, become  the  great  body  of  Tradition.  Questioned 
only  by  the  few,  and  in  fact  to  a  great  extent  a  true 
record  of  human  experience,  tradition  acquires  all  the 
tremendous  force  of  authority. 

Authority  is  a  moral  power  that  constrains  man's  will  without 
his  knowing  or  being  able  to  find  out  why .^  It  is  born  of  emotion 
and  belief  rather  than  of  reason,  which  is  ever  asking  the  wherefore 
and  the  why.  Nevertheless,  since  reason  and  rational  self-control 
are  of  slow  growth,  the  authority  of  tradition  serves  a  useful  end  in 
helping  to  maintain  social  order. 

Not  less  important,  therefore,  than  the  extent  and  the  means  of 
communication  in  the  development  of  dogmatic  like-mindedness  is  the 
continuity  of  communication  from  the  distant  past.  Here,  however, 
as  in  connection  with  the  extent  of  communication,  the  means  by 
which  the  continuity  has  been  maintained  are  of  some  significance. 
Generally  tradition  by  word  of  mouth  is  a  more  effective  means  of 
preserving  the  unquestioned  authority  of  early  beliefs  than  is  any 
form  of  writing  or  printed  record.  An  interesting  exception  is, 
however,  possibly  to  be  made  in  the  case  of  sacred  books,  to  which  a 
peculiar  authoritativeness  has  always  attached. 

(2)  Association  :  Authoritative  Instruction.  —  Forms  of 
association,  as  of  communication,  are  important  objective 
factors  in  the  development  of  dogmatic  like-mindedness. 
As  the  crowd  is  the  form  of  association  peculiarly  fitted 
to  develop  sympathetic  like-mindedness,  so  is  the  formal 
and  deferential  association  of  the  young  with  the  old, 
especially  in  the  relation  of  pupil  to  preceptor,  peculiarly 
fitted  to  the  development  of  dogmatic  like-mindedness, 
which  is,  in  truth,  very  largely  a  product  of  direct  teaching 
and  discipline. 

Tradition  is  imposed  upon  the  child  by  his  parents  and  elder 
acquaintances.  He  is  directly  taught  that  the  traditional  beliefs 
are  true,  and  that  it  is  even  wrong  to  doubt  their  truth  and  author- 

1  See  "Democracy  and  Empire,"  Chapter  ii,  ''The  Ethical  Motive." 


Concerted   Volition  151 

ity.  Disbelief  is  often  punished,  and  disobedience  of  traditional 
precept  is  punished  usually.  Not  only  so,  but  through  the  intimate 
association  between  tradition  and  the  everyday  activities  of  life  the 
child  insensibly  associates  the  practical  activities  with  its  tradi- 
tional background.  In  his  cultural  and  in  his  economic  life,  in  his 
legal  relations  and  in  his  political  activities,  he  can  take  no  single 
step  without  practically  accepting  most  of  the  traditional  system. 
Daily  life  thus  becomes  a  ceaseless  discipline  and  drill  in  activities 
which  openly  or  tacitly  assume  the  truth  and  sufficiency  of  tradition. 
In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  while  occasional  events,  and  espe- 
cially the  dramatic  events  of  life,  produce  sympathetic  like-minded- 
ness,  the  routine  of  habitual  activity,  the  teaching  and  the  discipline 
of  life,  continually  tend  to  produce  formal  like-mindedness,  including 
conformity  to  established  customs. 

3.  Development  of  Cooperation.  —  The  chief  contribu- 
tion of  dogmatic  like-mindedness  to  the  development  of 
the  complex  activities  is  found  in  its  conversion  of  the 
body  of  common  ideas  into  differentiated  traditions,  and 
of  common  activities  into  Customs. 

Under  the  influence  of  formal  like-mindedness  the  cul- 
tural, the  economic,  the  moral,  and  the  political  ideas, 
which  for  the  most  part  are  inherited  beliefs,  are  con- 
verted into  four  great  groups  of  traditions. 

The  cultural  traditions  become  distinctly  differentiated 
as  the  linguistic,  the  animistic,  and  the  scientific. 

The  linguistic  tradition  is  enriched  by  the  addition  of  many  terms 
for  faiths,  beliefs,  and  dogmas.  The  animistic  tradition  is  clearly 
differentiated  into  the  artistic  and  the  religious,  and  the  artistic  into 
the  poetic  and  the  plastic.  This,  however,  is  largely  a  product  of 
the  development  of  logical  distinction,  because  the  dogmatic  type  of 
mind  is  not  artistically  creative,  while  it  is  strongly  religious  in  ten- 
dency. Poetic  and  plastic  ideas,  therefore,  are  not  multiplied  or  en- 
riched by  formal  like-mindedness,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  religious 
conceptions  are  developed  to  a  relatively  high  type.  It  is  dogmatic 
like-mindedness  which  first  creates  out  of  the  mass  of  early  animistic 
ideas  distinct  conceptions  of  anthropomorphic  gods,  and  develops  a 
dogmatic  religious  creed.     Scientific  ideas  are  not  developed  in  the 


152  Inductive  Sociology/ 

direction  of  verification  by  formal  like-mindedness,  but  they  are  en- 
riched by  speculation.  The  dogmatic  mind  is  ambitious  to  account 
for  the  universe,  and  out  of  its  material  of  religious  and  scientific 
notions  it  constructs  by  deductive  logic  great  systems  of  theology 
and  metaphysics. 

The  economic  tradition,  so  far  as  it  is  developed  by 
formal  like-mindedness,  is  largely  animistic  rather  than 
scientific  in  character. 

The  animistic  ideas  relating  to  economic  interests  are  less  crude 
than  the  magic,  which  is  an  important  element  in  the  economic  system 
developed  by  sympathetic  like-mindedness,  but  they  are  yet  largely 
religious  and  theological.  Prayer  and  sacrifice  are  prescribed  as 
indispensable  means  of  securing  rain  and  sunshine,  abundant  crops, 
and  the  health  and  fruitfulness  of  flocks  and  herds.* 

The  moral  tradition  is  differentiated  by  formal  like- 
mindedness  in  such  wise  as  clearly  to  mark  off  the  legal 
or  juristic  tradition  from  the  rules  of  private  morality. 

In  the  juristic  tradition,  ideas  of  rights  become  more  clearly  formu- 
lated, and  a  distinct  desire  is  disclosed  on  the  part  of  the  community 
to  substitute  formal  trial  and  punishment  by  social  authority  for 
private  vengeance.  A  distinct  theory  of  proof  is  formulated,  consist- 
ing of  belief  in  the  probative  value  of  oaths,  compurgations,  and 
ordeals. 

The  political  tradition  as  developed  by  dogmatic  like- 
mindedness  shows  a  great  multiplication  of  the  ideas  possi- 
ble to  the  merely  sympathetic  type  of  mind. 

So  far  as  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  irrespective  of  kinship, 
is  accepted  as  the  basis  of  association,  the  resemblance  sought  is  that 
which  is  expressed  in  moral  beliefs  and  conduct  rather  than  in 
economic  standards.  The  ideal  socius  is  the  austere  rather  than  the 
convivial  man,  and  the  preferred  distinction  of  the  community  is 
ceremonial  purity,  righteousness,  or  justice.  Conversion  is  regarded 
as  an  especially  important  means  of  maintaining  social  cohesion,  and 

1  See  "The  Economic  Ages,"  Political  Science  Quarterly,  Vol.  XVI,  No.  2, 
June,  1901. 


Concerted   Volition  153 

coercion  as  a  legitimate  means,  if  actual  conversion  cannot  be 
achieved.  The  list  of  possessions  and  properties  to  which  the  com- 
munity attaches  importance  is  lengthened,  but  chiefly  in  the  category 
of  divine  personages,  legendary  heroes,  sacred  and  historic  places, 
and  traditional  ceremonies. 

Turning  from  the  development  of  ideas,  and  their  incor- 
poration in  traditions,  to  the  development  of  outward 
activity,  we  find  throughout  an  insistence  by  dogmatic 
like-mindedness  upon  customary  forms. 

Spontaneous  convivial  pleasures  are  discouraged,  and  such  amuse- 
ments as  are  allowed  are  highly  ceremonial  and  formal  in  character. 
Religious  worship  becomes  either  severely  simple  to  the  point  of 
barrenness,  or  elaborately  ritualistic.  Concerted  economic  activity, 
in  like  manner,  is  formal  and  solemn,  with  an  incorporation  of 
religious  ceremony.  Dogmatic  like-mindedness,  however,  including, 
as  it  does,  a  development  of  the  logical  faculty,  is  capable  of  greatly 
developing  economic  activity  on  the  strictly  practical  side  beyond 
the  economic  system  possible  to  sympathetic  like-mindedness.  There 
can  be  a  considerable  extension  of  agriculture,  manufacture,  and 
trade.  Juristic  activity,  like  economic,  is  formal  and  solemn. 
Formal  trial  and  execution  are  substituted  for  impulsive  lynch  law 
proceedings.  In  tribal  societies  the  development  of  formal  like- 
mindedness  brings  with  it  the  creation  of  the  clan  as  the  social  organ 
of  rights  and  juristic  procedure.  In  civil  societies  the  appearance  of 
formal  like-mindedness  is  followed  by  the  creation  of  courts  of 
justice.  In  political  activity  formal  like-mindedness  is  persistent 
and  often  fanatical,  in  its  regulation  of  association,  in  its  attempt  to 
mould  the  socius  or  citizen  to  the  austere  type  of  character.  It  is, 
nevertheless,  efficient,  capable  of  creating  in  gentile  society  the  tribe 
as  an  organ  of  military  activity,  and  in  civil  society  a  true  military 
system.  It  stands  for  a  relatively  high  degree  of  socialization,  its 
political  motives  are  dogmatic  interests,  utility,  love  of  power,  and 
sense  of  duty.  It  tries  to  convert,  but  failing  to  convert,  resorts 
to  coercion. 

4 .  Evidences  and  Extent  of  Dogmatic  Like-mindedness .  — 
The  prevalence  of  dogmatic  like-mindedness  in  any  com- 
munity is  measured  by  the  frequency  and  extent  of  reform 


154  Inductive  Sociology 

agitations  of  a  fanatical  sort,  by  strong  partisanship,  by 
the  deference  to  tradition  and  authority,  and  by  reliance 
on  governmental  power  to  regulate  private  conduct. 

The  dogmatic  mode  of  like-mi ndedness  is  found  in  gentile  society 
that  is  sufficiently  developed  to  be  organized  by  clans  and  tribes, 
and  in  civil  society  wherever  dogmatic  emotional  masses  or  parties 
are  found.  True  examples  of  the  dogmatic  type  of  cooperator  are 
found  in  the  reformer  and  the  political  partisan. 

Deliberative  Like-^mindedness.  —  The  highest  and  most 
complex  mode  of  concerted  volition  is  deliberative  like- 
mindedness,  which  is  characterized  by  critical  thinking  and 
moderate,  well-coordinated  action. 

1.  Subjective  Factors.  —  The  essential  subjective  factors 
in  deliberative  like-mindedness  are  criticism,  argument,  dis- 
cussion, and  constructive  reasoning,  based  upon  inductive 
research,  all  combined  in  public  opinion. 

(1)  Public  Opinion.  —  No  error  is  more  common  than 
one  which  confounds  popular  beliefs  with  the  social  judg- 
ments that  constitute  true  Public  Opinion.  Public  belief, 
as  has  been  shown,  is  essentially  emotional;  while  judg- 
ments are  a  product  of  critical  thinking,  and  are  essentially 
intellectual.  Where  two  or  more  individuals,  each  of 
whom  is  capable  of  subjecting  his  ideas  and  inherited 
beliefs  to  a  critical  examination,  come  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion, so  that  their  critically  tested  judgments  are  identical, 
the  result  is  a  rational  like-mindedness,  and  is  properly  to 
be  spoken  of  as  public  opinion. 

Another  way  of  stating  the  same  truth  is  to  say  that  public  opinion 
comes  into  existence  only  when  a  sympathetic  like-mindedness  or  an 
agreement  in  belief  is  subjected  to  criticism,  started  by  some  scepti- 
cal individual  who  doubts  the  truth  of  the  belief  or  the  wisdom  of 
the  agreement;  and  an  opinion  is  then  thought  out,  to  which  many 
communicating  minds  can  yield  their  intellectual  assent. 

It  is  obvious  that  not  all  members  of  a  community  are  equally 
competent  to  share  in  the  creation  of  the  critical  judgments  that 


Concerted   Volition  155 

constitute  true  public  opinion.  Yet  nearly  every  individual  of  ordi- 
nary intelligence  may  share  in  it  to  some  extent.  All  that  is  neces- 
sary is  that  his  beliefs  shall  be  assailed  by  doubt  and  that,  after 
passing  through  the  experience  of  questioning  and  uncertainty,  he 
shall  arrive  at  judgments  for  which  he  can  give  reasons  rather 
than  at  convictions  which  he  merely  feels. 

The  process  by  which  doubt  is  created,  criticism  is  in- 
stituted, and  judgments  are  arrived  at  in  society,  is  called 
discussion.  In  discussion,  conflicting  beliefs  are  compared, 
analyzed,  and  subjected  to  argument. 

So  long  as  men  accept  as  true  everything  that  they  hear  repeated, 
or  that  they  are  themselves  prone  to  believe,  their  talk  is  not  to  be 
described  as  discussion.  It  becomes  discussion  only  when  some  one 
disputes  or  denies,  and  thereby  compels  those  who  assert  to  give 
reasons  or  advance  arguments  in  support  of  what  they  affirm. 

(2)  Inductive  Research. — The  office  of  doubt  and  of 
criticism  is  to  impeach  error  and  to  disturb  the  easy-going 
self-satisfaction  that  too  many  minds  take  in  incomplete 
knowledge.  Doubt  should  never  result  in  a  merely  nega- 
tive state  of  mind.  Sound  judgment  in  the  long  run  is 
positive,  and  true  public  opinion  is  both  positive  and  con- 
structive. The  substantial  basis  of  all  constructive  reason- 
ing and  of  positive  public  opinion  is  the  well-verified 
knowledge  that  is  accumulated  by  inductive  research.  As 
deductive  speculation  is  a  large  element  in  the  evolution 
of  popular  beliefs,  so  is  the  progress  of  inductive  science 
and  the  enlargement  of  knowledge  a  chief  factor  in  the 
evolution  of  constructive  public  opinion. 

2.  Objective  Factors. — That  the  subjective  factors  of 
criticism  and  discussion  may  combine  with  constructive 
reasoning  in  true  public  opinion,  there  must  prevail,  not 
only  a  highly  developed  system  of  communication,  but  also 
perfect  freedom  of  speech  and  of  public  meeting. 

(1)  Communication:  Freedom,  of  Speech.  —  Since,  then, 
public  opinion  develops  in  any  community  just  to  the  ex- 


156  Inductive  Sociology 

tent  that  free  discussion  develops,  just  to  the  extent  that 
men  are  in  the  habit  of  asking  searching  questions  and 
compelling  one  another  to  prove  their  assertions,  it  can 
exist  only  where  men  are  in  continual  communication,  and 
where  they  are  free  to  express  their  real  minds,  without 
fear  or  restraint. 

Wherever  men  are  forbidden  by  governmental  or  other  authority 
to  speak  or  write  freely,  or  wherever  they  stand  in  fear  of  losing 
social  position,  or  employment,  or  property,  if  they  freely  speak  their 
minds,  there  is  no  true  public  opinion ;  there  is  only  a  mass  of  tra- 
ditional beliefs  or  outbursts  of  popular  feeling. 

(2)  Association:  Freedom  of  Meeting. — Equally  neces- 
sary is  freedom  of  meeting  upon  the  initiative  of  private 
individuals. 

If  men  are  forbidden  by  governmental  authority  to  assemble  in  an 
orderly  manner,  or  if — as  was  true  in  England  until  down  nearly  to 
the  nineteenth  century  —  they  can  assemble  only  upon  the  call  of 
some  public  functionary,  there  can  be  no  perfect  discussion,  and 
therefore  no  true  public  opinion. 

No  less  essential,  however,  to  deliberate  social  decision 
is  the  alternation  of  meeting  and  discussion  with  separa- 
tion. The  crowd  must  occasionally  disperse.  Its  indi- 
vidual members  must  be  brought  under  new  influences. 

This  truth  is  simply  a  more  complicated  case  of  that  psychologi- 
cal fact,  already  noted,  that  rational  thinking  consists  in  the  interpo- 
sition of  new  ideas  between  stimulation  and  the  consequent  muscular 
action.  The  tendency  of  the  crowd,  as  we  have  seen,  is  to  react  in- 
stantly as  a  unit  upon  any  suggestion,  just  as  the  tendency  of  non- 
rational  man  is  to  expend  his  nervous  energy  in  reflex  action.  In 
the  individual,  this  process  is  interrupted  by  any  new  idea  or  sug- 
gestion. In  the  crowd,  it  is  interrupted  when  dispersion  and  separa- 
tion bring  the  individual  members  under  new  influences. 

3.  Development  of  Cooperation.  —  In  the  account  of 
dogmatic  like-mind edness,  it  was  shown  that  men  believe 


Concerted   Volition  157 

that  their  ideas  are  true,  and  that  their  desires  will  be 
realized,  because,  in  actual  experience,  their  ideas  have 
turned  out  to  be  sufficiently  near  the  truth  for  practical 
purposes,  and  most  of  their  desires  have  been  fulfilled. 
This  amounts  to  saying  that  most  of  the  beliefs  of  man- 
kind have  been  true,  or  have  contained  a  large  measure  of 
truth.  Consequently,  critical  discussion  which,  from  time 
to  time,  modifies  popular  belief,  seldom  succeeds  in  com- 
pletely overthrowmg  or  annihilating  it.  There  is  contin- 
ually taking  place  an  amalgamation  of  critical  judgments 
with  tradition ;  and  the  result  is  a  number  of  important 
products  of  the  social  mind,  all  of  which  may  be  described 
as  combinations  of  tradition  with  new  thought.  These 
products  are  known  as  tastes,  faiths,  creeds,  standards, 
codes,  social  or  political  ideals  and  values,  and  policies. 

(1)  Cultural  Tastes,  Faiths,  Creeds.  —  The  artistic  tra- 
dition, both  poetic  and  plastic,  in  combination  with  cur- 
rent criticism  and  modified  by  it,  is  Taste.  The  product 
of  traditional  religious  beliefs  and  current  religious  ideas 
is  a  Faith.  The  modification  of  the  theological  tradition 
by  current  conceptions  is  a  Creed.  The  modification  by 
current  speculation  of  the  metaphysical  tradition  created 
by  deductive  reasoning  out  of  an  unperfect  science  is  an 
"  ism." 

The  modification  of  the  strict  scientific  tradition  by  fresh  discov- 
eries, has,  and  needs,  no  special  name ;  for  science  makes  no  com- 
promises between  the  old  and  the  new.  Whatever  of  the  old  is 
verified  by  later  research  is  retained;  whatever  is  disproved  is 
rejected.  The  supreme  cultural  achievement  of  deliberative  like- 
mindedness  is  the  development  of  inductive  science  by  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  best  minds  of  all  nations  and  of  all  ages. 

(2)  Economic  Ideas  and  Standards.  —  Deliberative  like- 
mindedness  develops  the  crude  economic  ideas  of  sympa- 
thetic and  dogmatic  like-mindedness  into  strictly  scientific 


158  Indiictive  Sociology 

and  highly  complex  products.     True  notions  of   utility, 
cost,  value,  and  economic  law  are  evolved. 

An  important  product  of  the  combination  of  such  eco- 
nomic thought  with  the  economic  traditions  transmitted 
from  the  past,  is  the  general  Standard  of  Living  of  the 
community. 

This  term  has  been  loosely  used  by  economic  writers.  The  com- 
modities that  a  labouring  class  consumes  are  not  its  standard  of 
living ;  they  are  merely  an  index  of  its  standard.  Still  less  is  mere 
desire  a  standard.  The  labour  agitator  has  not  necessarily  a  higher 
standard  of  living  than  his  followers  have,  if  he  fluently  discourse 
of  refined  wants  which  they  do  not  feel.  The  real  standard  of  liv- 
ing is  a  certain  conception  of  economic  life,  which  regulates  desire 
and  controls  conduct.  It  is  constituted  of  traditional  beliefs  and 
new  ideas  in  varying  proportions,  and  changes  as  these  factors 
change.  It  is  not  because  the  Hungarian  is  satisfied  with  food  and 
lodging  that  would  disgust  an  American,  that  the  Hungarian's  stand- 
ard of  living  in  the  coke-burning  districts  of  Pennsylvania  is  lower 
than  the  American  standard.  The  Hungarian  is  so  easily  satisfied, 
because  the  economic  traditions  and  ideas  that  compose  his  standard 
of  living  are  lower. 

(3)  Moral  and  Juristic  Ideas :  Legal  Evidence :  The  Le- 
gal Code. — Deliberative  like-mindedness  works  great  trans- 
formations in  the  realm  of  moral  ideas  by  its  substitution 
of  critically  formed  judgments  for  emotionalism  and 
dogma.  For  mere  traditional  beliefs  about  right  and 
wrong  it  substitutes  rational  conceptions  of  goodness  or 
"  the  good,"  and,  by  implication,  of  their  opposites,  badness 
or  evil. 

"  Goodness  "  is  a  quality  of  things,  acts,  experiences,  or  character 
which  appeals  to  the  judgment,  rather  than  to  sensation  or  emotion. 
Among  possible  pleasures,  there  are  some  of  which  the  judgment 
may  not  approve.  Goodness,  then,  is  not  coextensive  with  the 
pleasing  or  the  pleasure-giving ;  much  less  with  self-sacrifice,  abne- 
gation, or  humiliation  for  its  own  sake.  "  The  good ''  consists  of  all 
that  upon  which  we  have  passed  a  critical  judgment  of  approval,  as 
distinguished  from  utilities  that  we  accept  and  enjoy  uncritically. 


Concerted   Volition  159 

An  exceedingly  important  achievement  of  deliberative 
like-mindedness  is  the  substitution,  in  all  judicial  proceed- 
ings, of  true  objective  evidence,  obtained  by  inductive 
methods,  for  oaths,  compurgations,  and  ordeals,  as  the 
basis  of  legal  proof. 

The  oath  survives  as  a  form,  however,  long  after  it  has  ceased  to 
have  any  sacredness  or  probative  value ;  and  after  a  sharp  punish- 
ment of  liars  for  contempt  of  court  would  be  more  effective  than 
threatened,  but  unenforced,  penalties  for  perjury. 

The  combination  of  jural  tradition  with  new  law  is  the 
Legal  Code. 

To  what  extent  the  public  opinion  of  the  hour,  not  yet  enacted 
into  statute,  is  an  element  in  new  law,  is  a  question  upon  which 
jurists  disagree.  It  is  admitted  that  public  opinion  influences  the 
interpretation  of  law;  and  in  a  republic  public  opinion  is  the  real 
law-enforcing  power  back  of  all  nominal  powers. 

For  the  purposes  of  theory  and  practice,  all  authoritatively 
declared  law  is  held  to  be  law  until  it  is  authoritatively  repealed. 
But  as  a  phenomenon  of  the  social  mind,  a  rule  of  conduct  that 
public  opinion  refuses  to  enforce  is  already  undergoing  repeal. 

(4)  Social  or  Political  Values.  —  Deliberative  like- 
mindedness  transforms  the  political  ideas  of  sympathetic 
and  dogmatic  like-mindedness  into  highly  complex  Social 
Values. 

Value,  in  the  subjective  sense  of  the  word,  is  a  purely  intellectual 
estimate,  a  judgment  of  the  utility,  or  goodness,  or  dignity,  or  impor- 
tance, of  any  object,  act,  or  relation.  Like  material  commodities,  all 
social  elements,  all  social  acts  and  relations,  are  more  or  less  useful. 
A  critical  judgment  pronounces  them  more  or  less  good,  more  or  less 
important,  more  or  less  worthy  of  respect.  All,  therefore,  may  be 
described  as  social  utilities,  positive  or  negative.  Under  this  descrip- 
tion, then,  fall  all  those  objects  of  political  thought  which  have  been 
enumerated:  the  socius,  actual  or  ideal,  the  distinction  or  attain- 
ment of  the  community,  the  bonds  of  cohesion,  the  extent  and  compo- 
sition of  the  political  aggregate,  and  the  community's  varied  posses- 


160  Inductive  Sociology 

sions.  Critically  reflecting  upon  all  these  social  utilities  deliberative 
like-mindedness  passes  judgment  upon  them,  values  them,  and 
arranges  them  in  a  scale  of  value.  In  short,  it  converts  all  political 
ideas  into  complex  political  valuations. 

Highest  in  value,  it  ranks  those  objects  for  which 
society  exists,  namely :  the  concrete  living  individuals 
who  compose  the  community;  the  social  type  or  ideal 
socius;  and  the  attainment  of  the  community.  Lower 
in  the  scale  of  values  are  placed  all  political  relations 
and  possessions,  which  are  but  means  to  the  attainment 
of  social  ends. 

Which  type  of  the  ideal  socius,  or  citizen,  which  attain- 
ment or  distinction  of  the  community,  is  supremely  valued, 
and  what  extent  and  mode  of  organization,  and  what  pos- 
sessions are  thought  chiefly  important  as  means,  —  these 
depend  upon  the  experiences  of  the  society  and  the  degree 
of  its  development,  always  assuming  that  it  has  attained 
to  some  degree  of  deliberative  thought. 

Communities  in  which  a  tradition  of  kinship  survives  in  full 
force,  even  if  they  have  become  in  a  high  degree  rational,  continue  to 
attach  a  great  value  to  the  modes  of  like-mindedness  that  are  closely 
related  to  kinship  and  are  aristocratic  in  spirit.  Where,  however, 
the  demotic  composition  is  varied  and  the  practical  resemblance 
that  is  irrespective  of  the  degrees  of  kinship,  is  chiefly  valued, 
the  society  is  oligarchic  or  democratic  in  spirit;  and  according  to 
its  circumstances  and  degree  of  development  will  it  value  the 
expression  of  practical  resemblance  in  cultural  creeds  and  conduct, 
in  economic  standards  and  conduct,  in  juristic  beliefs  and  conduct, 
or  in  political  beliefs  and  conduct. 

Expression  in  political  beliefs  and  conduct  is  supremely  val- 
ued by  the  most  advanced  deliberative  communities.  In  these 
communities,  too,  the  ideal  socius  is  the  rationally  conscientious 
man,  rather  than  the  austere  man  developed  by  dogmatic  like- 
mindedness,  or  the  convivial  man  developed  by  sympathetic  like- 
mindedness;  and  the  supremely  valued  attainments  of  the  community 
are  liberty,  equality,  and  enlightenment,  rather  than  a  merely  cere- 
monial purity  or  a  purely  formal  justice. 


Concerted  Volition  161 

In  the  earliest  developments  of  civilization,  however,  liberty, 
including  freedom  of  discussion,  and  an  unrestrained  criticism,  are 
possible,  even  as  ideals,  only  within  the  sphere  of  individual  life, 
that  is,  in  the  relation  of  individuals  to  one  another.  They  become 
possible  in  the  relations  of  individuals  to  the  state  only  in  the  most 
progressive  communities  of  modern  times.  In  the  sacred  books  of 
ancient  civilizations  we  find  deliberation,  criticism,  and  discussion 
described  as  incumbent  upon  kings  and  counsellors  of  state,  and  as 
necessary  elements  of  a  happy  domestic  life,  but  never  suggested 
as  possibilities  in  the  relations  of  subjects  to  the  sovereign.  Criti- 
cism of  the  sovereign  is  a  modern  phenomenon. 

(5)  Public  Policy.  —  Social  values  become  the  grounds 
of  social  choice  and  the  basis  of  Public  Policy,  which  is 
formed  by  combining  current  political  opinion,  including 
political  values,  with  the  inherited  body  of  political  tradi- 
tion, and  which  in  itself  is  a  plan  or  programme  of  legisla- 
tion and  administration. 

In  quiet  times,  when  a  party  or  government  has  long  been  in- 
trenched in  power,  the  element  of  tradition  predominates.  Often 
have  political  parties  suffered  defeat  and  passed  into  temporary  or 
permanent  obscurity  because  of  inability  to  vitalize  their  policy  with 
fresh  issues.  In  times  of  disturbance,  or  when  new  interests  clamour 
for  attention,  the  predominant  element  in  policy  is  current  opinion. 

(6)  Activity  as  Deliberative,  —  A  deliberative  like-mind- 
edness  restores  to  cultural  activity  the  spontaneity  and 
freedom  characteristic  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness  — 
which  formal  like-mindedness  to  a  great  degree  destroys  — 
but  holds  it  nevertheless  within  bounds  of  moderation 
luider  the  control  of  reason.  It  converts  the  sacrificial 
economy  of  a  dogmatic  like-mindedness  into  a  purely  busi- 
ness economy,  conducted  on  utilitarian  and  scientific  prin- 
ciples. It  creates  a  complex  commercial,  industrial,  and 
agricultural  system.  In  legal  activity  it  develops  formal 
trial  and  execution,  with  ever  stricter  reference  to  consid- 
erations of  social  utility,  which  is  step  by  step  substituted 


162  Inductive  Sociology 

for  both  collective  and  private  vengeance.  It  differenti- 
ates and  coordinates  the  courts  of  positive  law.  In  politi- 
cal activity  it  is  deliberative  like-mindedness  only  that  can 
create  the  tribal  federation  out  of  a  group  of  related  tribes, 
that  can  later  create  the  ethnic  nation  and  still  later  the 
civic  nation ;  that  can  clearly  discriminate  the  fact  of  sov- 
ereignty and  create  positive  institutions  and  develop  defi- 
nite policies  of  socialization. 

Deliberative  like-mindedness  only,  can  respond  to  the  highest  mo- 
tive of  socialization,  the  desire,  namely,  for  personal  development, 
and  can  apply  the  highest  method,  that  of  discussion  and  education. 
It  evolves  the  critically-rational  type  of  cooperator,  the  highest  ex- 
ample of  which  is  the  citizen. 

4.  Evidences  and  Extent  of  Deliberative  Like-minded- 
ness. —  Deliberative  like-mindedness  is  found  to  some 
slight  degree  in  tribal  federations  and  in  ethnic  nations. 
Chiefly,  however,  it  is  to  be  looked  for  in  civilization,  and 
its  highest  manifestations  only  in  the  most  advanced 
modern  nations. 

The  evidences  of  deliberative  like-mindedness  on  a  large  scale  as 
affecting  the  life  of  great  communities,  the  sociologist  must  look  for 
in  a  free  criticism  applied  to  religion  and  theology,  in  the  develop- 
ment of  inductive  science,  in  the  existence  of  a  scientific  system  of 
political  economy,  in  the  substitution  of  objective  evidence  for  oaths 
and  ordeals  in  legal  procedure,  and  in  the  unmolested  criticism  of 
governments  by  the  body  of  citizens  who  organize  and  obey  them. 

Table  XLII.  —  Subjective  Factors  of  Concerted  Volition 

Like  Eesponse :  Prompt. 

Like  Response :  Slow. 

Like  Response :  Intermittent. 

Like  Response :  Persistent. 

Imitativeness :  Slight. 

Imitativeness :  Great. 

Consciousness  of  Kind :  Imperfect. 

Reciprocal  Consciousness  of  Kind :  Quick. 


M 

1. 

M 

2. 

M 

3. 

M 

4. 

M 

5. 

M 

6. 

M 

7. 

M 

8. 

Concerted  Volition  163 

M     9.  Suggestibility:  Quick. 

M  10.  Susceptibility  to  Emblem  and  Shibboleth :  Great. 

M  11.  Contagious  Emotion :  Potentially  Great  and  Easily  Aroused. 

M  12.  Minds  Dominated  by  Emotionally  Formed  Beliefs. 

M  13.  Habitual  Mode  of  Reasoning :  Deductive. 

M   14.  Deference  to  Tradition :  Great. 

M   15.  Reverence  for  Authority :  Great. 

M   16.  Intolerance:  Strong. 

M   17.  Minds  Dominated  by  Critically  Formed  Judgments. 

M  18.  Habitual  Mode  of  Reasoning :  Inductive. 

Table  XLIII.  —  Communication:  Journeys  Made 

M  1.   Daily.  M  3.   Occasionally. 

M  2.   Frequently.  M  4.  Never. 

Table  XLIV.  —  Communication:  Letters  Received  and  Sent 
Columns  as  in  Table  XLIII. 

Table  XLV.  —  Communication  :  Telegrams  Received  and  Sent 
Columns  as  in  Table  XLIII. 

Table  XL VI. — Communication  :  Telephone  Messages  Received 

and  Sent 

Columns  as  in  Table  XLIII. 

Table  XL VII.  —  Communication:   Newspapers  and  Magazines 

Read 

Columns  as  in  Table  XLIII. 

Table  XL VIII. — Association:  Informal  Gatherings  Attended 

M  1.   Daily.  M  3.   Occasionally. 

M  2.   Weekly.  M  4.   Never. 

Table  XLIX.  —  Association:   Formal  Meetings  Attended 

M  1.   Frequently  and  Regularly.  M  3.   Occasionally. 

M  2.   Frequently,  but  Irregularly.  M  4.   Never. 

Much  information  relative  to  the  modes  and  frequency  of  communication 
can  be  obtained  from  various  statistical  reports  of  the  Post  Office  Department, 
the  telegraph  and  telephone  corporations,  and  from  the  census  of  newspaper  cir- 
culation, supplemented  by  privately  published  newspaper  directories.  More 
exact  information  must  be  obtained  by  individual  inquiry,  and  this  is  the  only 


164  Inductive  Sociology 

means  of  obtaining  information  upon  the  forms  and  frequency  of  association, 
except  as  fragmentary  material  may  be  gleaned  from  works  of  travel  and  local 
histories. 

Table  L.  —  Cultural  Thought:  As  privately  Developed 

Section  I.  —  Lingual  Ideas : 
M  1.   Simple  and  Few.  M  4.   Include      many      Philo- 

M  2.   Include    many    Emblems  sophical  and  Scientific 

and  Shibboleths.  Terms. 

M  3.   Include  many  Terms  for 

Beliefs,  Faiths,  Dogmas. 

Section  II.  —  Animistic  Ideas:  -Esthetic: 

M  1.   Simple  and  Primitive,  but  M  3.   Formal,  Conventional,  Tra- 
often  Strong  and  Genu-  ditional. 

ine.  M  4.  Critically  developed  Taste. 

M  2.   Fine  in  Imaginative  Power. 

Section  III.  —  Animistic  Ideas :  Religious : 

M  1.   Lowest  Type.  M  3.   Relatively  High  Type. 

M  2.   Low  Type.  M  4.   Highest  Type. 

Section  IV.  —  Scientific  Ideas  : 

M  1.  Include  only  Ideas  of  sim-  M  2.   Formal,  Speculative. 

pie   Counting,   Measur-  M  3.   Qualitatively    Precise 

ing.      Weighing,      and  (True  Classification). 

Classifying    by    Super-  M  4.   Quantitatively  Precise  and 

ficial  Analogy.  Highly  Complex. 

Section  V.  —  Frequently  participate  in  Discussion  of : 

M  1.  Lingual  Ideas.  M  3.   Animistic    Ideas:     Reli- 

M  2.   Animistic      Ideas:      ^s-  gious. 

thetic.  M  4.   Scientific  Ideas. 

Table  LI.  —  Cultural  Thought:  As  developed  by 
Public  Authority 

Section  I.  —  Ideas  authoritatively  Defined : 

Y  1.   Lingual?  Y  3.   Animistic:  Religious? 

Y  2.   Animistic:  ^Esthetic?  Y  4.    Scientific? 


Concerted   Volition  165 

Section  II.  —  Certain  Ideas  Proscribed  or  Prescribed : 

Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Information  for  the  foregoing  tables  must  be  obtained  from  observations 
and  records  made  by  individual  observers. 

Table  LII.  —  Cultural  Activity:  As  privately  Developed 

Section  I.  —  Participate  in  Ceremonial  Development  of  Manners : 
M  1.   Frequently.  M  3.   Seldom. 

M  2.   Occasionally.  M  4.  Never. 

Section  II.  —  Participate  in  Ceremonial  Use  of  Costume : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  III.  —  Participate  in  Ceremonial  Festivities : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  IV. — Participate  in  Choral  Music  and  Dancing: 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  V.  —  Participate  in  Social  Games : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  VI.  —  Participate  in  the  Development  of  the  Poetic  Arts : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  VII.  —  Participate  in  the  Development  of  the  Plastic  Arts : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  VIII. — Participate  in  Usual  Keligious  Worship: 
Columns  as  in  Section  L 

Section  IX.  —  Participate  in  Religious  Revivals : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  X.  —  Participate  in  Religious  Pilgrimages : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  XI.  —  Participate  in  Unusual  Religious  Ceremonies : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  XII.  —  Participate  in  Scientific  Exploration  or  Research : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 


Y 

1. 

Y 

2. 

Y 

3. 

Y 

4. 

Y 

5. 

Y 

6. 

Y 

7. 

Y 

8. 

Y 

9. 

Y 

10. 

166  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  LIII.  —  Cultural  Activity  :   As    developed  by  Public 

Authority 

Authoritative  Examples  in  Language? 

Authoritative  Examples  in  Manners  ? 

Authoritative  Examples  in  Costumes  ? 

State  Festivals  ? 

State  Balls  ? 

State  Games  ? 

State  Encouragement  of  Poetic  Art  ? 

State  Encouragement  of  Plastic  Arts  ? 

State  Worship  ? 

State  Encouragement  of  Scientific  Exploration  and  Research? 

Table  LIV.  —  Present  State  of  Cultural  Cooperation 
Section  I.  —  Active : 

Y  1.   In  Language  ?  Y  4.   In  Plastic  Arts  ? 

Y  2.   In  Manners?  Y  5.   In  Religion? 

Y  3.   In  Poetic  Arts  ?  Y  6.   In  Science  ? 

Section  II.  —  Cultural   Ideas  converted  into  Traditions :   Cultural 
Activities  converted  into  Customs : 

Y  1.   Lingual?  Y  3.   Poetic?  Y   5.   Religious? 

Y  2.   Ceremonial?        Y  4.   Plastic?  Y  6.   Scientific? 

Section  III.  —  Cultural  Ideas  and  Activities  converted  into  Social 

Values : 

Y  1.   Lingual?  Y  3.   Poetic?  Y  5.   Religious? 

Y  2.   Ceremonial?         Y  4.   Plastic?  Y  6.   Scientific? 

Table  LV.  —  Economic  Thought  :  As  privately  Developed 

M  1.   Ideas  Elementary  and  wholly  Concrete. 

M  2.   Ideas  largely  Animistic.   Notions  of  Luck  and  Magic. 

M  3.   Ideas  largely  Animistic.  Belief  in  Economic  Value  of  Prayer, 

Ritual,  and  Sacrifice. 
M  4.   Ideas  Scientific  but  Elementary. 
M  5.   Ideas  Scientific  and  Complex,  including  Abstract  Notions  of 

Utility,  Cost,  and  Value,  and  of  Economic  Law. 
M  6.   Frequently  Participate  in  Discussion  of  Economic  Interests. 
M   7.   Frequently  Participate  in  Discussion  of  Economic  Ideas. 


Concerted  Volition  167 

Table  LVI. — Economic   Thought:    As   developed  by  Public 

Authority 

Y  1.  Economic  Interests  authoritatively  Defined  ? 

Y  2.  Economic  Ideas  authoritatively  Defined  ? 

Y  3.  Economic  Interests  Proscribed  or  Prescribed  ? 

Y  4.  Economic  Ideas  Proscribed  or  Prescribed  ? 

Y  5.  Economic  Measurements  and  Ratios  fixed  by  Authority  ? 

Table  LVII.  —  Economic  Activity:  As  privately  Developed 
Section  I.  —  Participate  in  Simple  Economic  Cooperation : 
M  1.   Daily.  M  3.   Occasionally. 

M  2.   Weekly.        M  4.   Seldom. 

Section  II.  —  Participate  in  Complex  Economic  Cooperation  (under 
Division  of  Labour  and  Coordination  of  Employments) : 

M  1.   Daily.        M  2.   Frequently.        M  3.   Seldom. 

Section  III.  —  Participate  in  Financial  Excitements,  in  Panics  or  in 

Strikes : 

M  1.   Occasionally.      M  2.   Seldom.      M  3.  Never. 

Table  LVIII. — Economic  Activity:    As  publicly  Developed 

Section  I.  —  Participation  of  the  State : 

In  Agriculture :  Extensive  ? 

In  Agriculture :  Slight  ? 

In  Mining :  Extensive  ? 

In  Mining :  Slight  ? 

In  Fisheries  :  Extensive  ? 

In  Fisheries :  Slight  ? 

In  Manufactures :  Extensive  ? 

In  Manufactures :  Slight  ? 

In  Commerce :  Extensive  ? 

In  Commerce :   Slight  ? 

In  Transportation  :  Extensive  ? 

In  Transportation :  Slight  ? 

In  Finance :  Extensive  ? 

In  Finance  :  Slight  ? 

If  possible  substitute  arithmetic  values  in  this  Table  for  "yes"  and  "no'* 
answers. 


Y 

1. 

Y 

2. 

Y 

3. 

Y 

4. 

Y 

5. 

Y 

6. 

Y 

7. 

Y 

8. 

Y 

9. 

Y 

10. 

Y 

11. 

Y 

12. 

Y 

13. 

Y 

14. 

Y 

1. 

Y 

2. 

Y 

3. 

Y 

4. 

Y 

5. 

Y 

6. 

Y 

7. 

Y 

8. 

Y 

9. 

168  Inductive  Sociology 

Section  II.  —  Participation  of  Minor  Public  Corporations  : 
Columns  BpS  in  Section  I. 

Table  LIX.  —  Present  State  of  Economic  Cooperation 

Luck  Economy  ? 

Magic  Economy  ? 

Sacrificial  Economy  ? 

Slave  Labour  Economy  ? 

Trade  Economy  ? 

Capitalistic  Economy  ? 

Economic  Ideas  largely  converted  into  Tradition  ? 

Economic  Activities  largely  converted  into  Customs  ? 

Economic  Ideas  and  Activities  converted  into  Social  Values  ? 

Much  information  upon  economic  activity  can  be  obtained  from  ofl&cial  re- 
ports, statistical  and  other,  and  much  information  on  economic  ideas  from 
ethnological  writings,  folk  lore,  epics,  sacred  books,  and  legal  codes,  but  much 
must  be  obtained  also  by  individual  investigation.  The  animistic  character  of 
economic  ideas  in  the  lower  grades  of  culture  is  shown  in  a  belief  in  luck  and  in 
reliance  on  omens,  signs,  charms,  and  magic  of  every  description  in  hunting, 
fishing,  agriculture,  and  industrial  art.  For  a  detailed  explanation  of  the  classi- 
fication of  economic  stages  adopted  in  Table  LIX  see  "The  Economic  Ages," 
Political  Science  Quarterly^  Vol.  XVI,  No.  2,  June,  1901. 

Table  LX. — Moral  and  Juristic  Thought:    As  privately 

Developed 

M     1.   Elementary  and  wholly  Concrete. 

M     2.   Strongly  dominated  by  Idea  of  Private  Revenge. 

Includes  — 
M     3.   Simple  Notions  of  Rights  of  Property. 
M     4.   Simple  Notions  of  Marriage  Rights. 
M     5.   Ideas  of  Collective  Vengeance. 
M     6.   Belief  in  Sacredness  and  Binding  Eorce  of  Moral  and  Juristic 

Traditions. 
M     7.   Belief  in  Sacredness  and  Binding  Force  of  Moral  and  Juristic 
Customs. 

Ideas  of  Decision  by  Judges. 

Ideas  of  Formal  Trial. 

Ideas  of  Juristic  Authority  of  Community  or  State. 

Belief  in  Juristic  Value  of  Oaths  and  Compurgations. 

Belief  in  Probative  Value  of  Ordeals. 

Ideas  of  Pledges,  Fines,  and  Compensations. 


M 

8. 

M 

9. 

M 

10. 

M 

IL 

M 

12. 

M 

13. 

Concerted  Volition  169 

Includes  — 
M  14.   Abstract  and  Complex  Ideas  of  Goodness,  Moral  Principles, 

Moral  Law. 
M  15.   Complex  Ideas  of  Legal  Eights,  Wrongs,  and  Eemedies. 
M  16.   Differentiated  Ideas  of  Law;    of  Eeal  Property,  Domestic 

Eelations,  Contract,  Tort,  Crime,  and  Equity. 
M  17.   Clear  Ideas  of  Inductive  Evidence. 
M  18.   Ideas  of  the  Exclusive  Jurisdiction  of  the  State. 
M  19.   Frequent  Participation  in  Discussions  of  Moral  and  Juristic 

Ideas,  Legal  Eemedies,  and  Procedure. 

Table  LXI.  —  Moral  and  Juristic  Thought  :   As  developed  by 
Public  Authority 

Y  1.   Moral  Ideas  authoritatively  Defined  ? 

Y  2.   Juristic  Ideas  authoritatively  Defined  ? 

Y  3.   Certain  Moral  Ideas  Proscribed  or  Prescribed  ? 

Y  4.   Certain  Juristic  Ideas  Proscribed  or  Prescribed  ? 

Y  5.   Legal  Eemedies  authoritatively  Defined  and  Prescribed  ? 

Y  6.   Legal  Procedure  authoritatively  Defined  and  Prescribed  ? 

Y  7.   Modes  of  Proof  authoritatively  Defined  and  Prescribed  ? 

Y  8.   Eules  of  Evidence  authoritatively  Defined  and  Prescribed  ? 

Table  LXII.  —  Moral  and  Juristic  Activity:   As  privately 

Developed 
Section  I.  —  Participate  in  Moral  Coercion  by  means  of  simple  Sanc- 
tions, such  as  Approbation  or  Disapprobation,  Favour,  or  Dis- 
favour: 

M  1.   Frequently.  M  3.   Seldom. 

M  2.   Occasionally.  M  4.   Never. 

Section  II.  —  Participate  in  Private  Vengeance: 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  III.  —  Participate  in  Boycotting,  Hazing,  or  Mobbing: 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  IV.  —  Participate  in  Lynchings : 
Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Table  LXIII.  —  Moral  and  Juristic  Activity:   As  publicly 

Developed 

Y  1.   Formal  Trial  and  Execution  by  Clan,  Council,  or  Tribesmen  ? 

Y  2.   Formal  Trial  and  Execution  before  Priest,  Judge,  or  King  ? 


170  Inductive  Sociology 

Y  3.   Creation  of  Courts  ? 

Y  4.   Assumption  of  Exclusive  Jurisdiction  by  the  State  ? 

Y  6.   Complex  Development  of  Procedure  and  Execution  ? 

Table  LXIV.  —  The  Present  State  of  Moral  and  Juristic 
Cooperation 

Y  1.  Predominance  of  Private  Vengeance  ? 

Y  2.  Predominance  of  Clan  or  Family  Feud  ? 

Y  3.  Predominance  of  Unlawful  Collective  Vengeance  ? 

Y  4.  Successful  Assertion  and   Maintenance  of  Authority  of  the 

State  ? 

Y  6.   General  and  Successful  Application  of  Legal  Remedies  ? 

Y  6.   Moral  and  Juristic  Ideas  converted  into  Tradition  ? 

Y  7.   Moral  and  Juristic  Activities  converted  into  Customs  ? 

Y  8.   Moral  and  Juristic  Ideas  and  Activities  converted  into  Social 

Values  ? 

The  chief  sources  of  information  upon  moral  and  legal  ideas  and  activities  are 
ethnological  writings,  sacred  books,  early  legal  codes,  and  modern  statutes  and 
decisions. 

Table  LXV.  —  Political  Thought:   As   privately  Developed 

Division  I. — Primary  Concepts. 

Section  I.  —  The  Self-existence  of  the  Group  or  Population: 

M  1.   Instinctively  Felt  Only.  M  2.   Rationally  Conceived. 

Section  II. — The  Socius  or  Citizen,  conceived  as  Concretely  Actual: 
The  Preferred  Mode  of  Resemblance : 

M  1.  Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  as  coordinated  with  the 
Degree  of  Kinship  :  Gentile  and  Clannish  in  Type,  or  Aristo- 
cratic and  Exclusive  in  Type. 

M  2.  Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  Irrespective  of  Kinship: 
Oligarchical  Type. 

M  3.  Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance  Irrespective  of  Kinship: 
Democratic  Type. 

Section  III.  —  The  Socius  or  Citizen  conceived  as  Concretely  Actual : 
The  Prevailing  and  Preferred  Expression  of  Mental  and  Practi- 
cal Resemblance: 

M  1.   In  Cultural  Creeds  and  Conduct. 


Concerted   Volition  171 

M  2.   In  Economic  Standards  and  Conduct. 
M   3.    In  Juristic  Beliefs  and  Conduct. 
M  4.   In  Political  Beliefs  and  Conduct. 

Section  IV.  —  The  Socius  or  Citizen  conceived  as  Ideal :   The  Pre- 
ferred Type : 
M   1.    The  Powerful  Man. 
M  2.   The  Convivial  Man. 
M  3.   The  Austere  Man. 
M  4.   The  Eationally  Conscientious  Man. 

Section  V.  —  The  Preferred  Attainment  and  Distinction    of   the 

Community : 

M  1.   Power.                                   M  6.  Righteousness. 

M  2.   Splendour.                              M  7.  Justice. 

M  3.   Pleasure.                                M  8.  Liberty. 

M  4.   Prosperity.                              M  9.  Equality. 

M  5.    Ceremonial  Purity.               M  10.  Enlightenment. 

Division  II. — Secondary  Concepts. 

Section  I. — Notions  of  Social  Cohesion:  Preferred  or  Best  Accred- 
ited Means : 

M  1.   Coercion.  M  3.   Patronage. 

M  2.   Bribery.  M  4.   Loyalty. 

M  5.  Rational  Comprehension. 

Section  II.  —  Concept  of  the  Extent  and  Composition  of  the  Com- 
munity :  Type  Preferred : 

M  1.   Small,  Simple,  Exclusive. 

M  2.   Large,  Compound,  Comprehensive,  Expanding. 

Section  III.  —  Concepts  of   Social   Possessions:    Territory  chiefly 

Cherished : 
M  1.   Tribal  or  National  Domain. 
M  2.   Sacred  Places. 
M  3.   Historic  Places. 

Section  lY. — Concepts  of  Social  Possessions:   Personages  chiefly 
Revered,  Accredited,  or  Cherished : 

M  1.   Leaders.  M  3.    Saints. 

M  2.   Heroes.  M  4.   Gods. 


172  Inductive  Sociology 


Section  V.  —  Concepts    of    Social    Possessions:    Customs    chiefly 

Cherished : 

M  1.  Language.  M     6.   Plastic  Arts. 

M  2.  Manners.  M     7.   Worship. 

M  3.  Costumes.  M     8.   Education. 

M  4.  Amusements.  M     9.   Economic  Arts. 

M  6.  Poetic  Arts.  M  10.   Morals. 

Section  VI. — Concepts  of  Social  Possessions:  Institutions  chiefly- 
Prized  or  Accredited : 

M  1.  The  State.  M  5.  Contract. 

M  2.  Family  and  Marriage.  M  6.  The  Labour  System. 

M  3.  The  Church.  M  7.  The  Legal  System. 

M  4.  Property.  M  8.  The  Form  of  Government. 

Section  VII.  —  Concepts  of  Social  Policy :  Policies  of  Maintenance 
or  Growth :  Means  chiefly  Favoured  or  Accredited : 

M    1.   Forcible.  M  2.   Rational. 

Section  VIII.  —  Concepts  of  Social  Policy :  Policies  of  Maintenance 
or  Growth :  Mode  chiefly  Favoured  or  Accredited : 

M  1.   Socialistic.  M  2.   Individualistic. 


Section  IX.  —  Concepts  of  Social  Policy:  Policies  of  Modification  of 
Type  (Socialization) :  Means  chiefly  Favoured  or  Accredited : 

M  1.  Coercion :  Enforcement  of  Cooperation. 

M  2.  Incitement. 

M  3.  Conversion. 

M  4.  Discussion  and  Education. 

Section  X.  —  Concepts  of  Social  Policy:  Policies  of  Modification  of 
Type  (Socialization)  :  Mode  chiefly  Favoured  or  Accredited : 

M  1.    Socialistic.  M  2.   Individualistic.     ' 

Division  III.  —  Participation  in  Political  Discussion. 

M  1.   Daily.  M  3.   Occasionally. 

M   2.   Frequently.  M   4.    Never. 


Concerted  Volition  173 


Table  LXVI.  —  Political  Thought:   As  developed  by  Public 

Authority  : 

Y  1.   Political  Ideas  authoritatively  Defined  ? 

Y  2.   Certain  Political  Ideas  Proscribed  ? 

Y  3.   Certain  Political  Ideas  Prescribed  ? 

Table  LXVII.  —  Political  Activity:   As  privately  Developed 

Section  I.  —  Participation  in  Occasional  Voluntary  Cooperation  (Ag- 
gression or  Defence)  relating  to  Maintenance  or  Growth  of : 

M     1.   Existence  of  the  Group  or  Population  itself,  as  a  Body  of 
Concrete  Individuals. 
The  Social  Type :  The  Citizen,  Actual  or  Ideal. 
The  Attainment  or  Distinction  of  the  Community. 
Social  Cohesion. 

The  Extent  or  Composition  of  the  Community. 
Territory. 

Important  Social  Personages. 
Customs. 
Institutions. 
Social  Policies. 

Section  II.  —  Participation  in  Occasional  Voluntary  Cooperation 
(Aggression  or  Defence)  relating  to  Modification  of  Type 
(Socialization),  and  directly  Affecting: 

Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  III. — Participation  in  Occasional  Voluntary  Cooperation 
(Aggression  or  Defence)  relating  to  Modification  of  Type 
(Socialization)  :  Motives  of  Socialization  : 

Intolerance,  toward  Differences. 

Sympathy,  with  Potential  Likeness. 

Love  of  Companionship,  Ideo-Emotional  Sympathy. 

Dogmatic  Interest. 

Utility. 

Love  of  Power. 

Sense  of  Duty. 

Desire  for  Development  of  Personality. 


M 

2. 

M 

3. 

M 

4. 

M 

5. 

M 

6. 

M 

7. 

M 

8. 

M 

9. 

M 

10. 

M 

1. 

M 

2. 

M 

3. 

M 

4. 

M 

5. 

M 

6. 

M 

7. 

M 

8. 

174  Inductive  Sociology 

Section  IV. — Participation  in  Occasional  Voluntary  Cooperation 
(Aggression  or  Defence)  relating  to  Modification  of  Type 
(Socialization):   Methods  of  Socialization: 

M  1.  Coercion :  Enforcement  of  Cooperation. 

M  2.  Incitement. 

M  3.  Conversion. 

M  4.  Discussion  and  Education. 

Section  V.  —  Systematic  Voluntary  Cooperation  by  Means  of  Politi- 
cal Parties,  Clubs,  Agitations,  and  Campaigns,  relating  to  Main- 
tenance or  Growth  of : 

Columns  as  in  Section  I. 

Section  VI.  —  Systematic  Voluntary  Cooperation  by  Means  of  Polit- 
ical  Parties,   Clubs,   Agitations,   and   Campaigns,   relating  to 
Modification  of  Type  (Socialization),  and   directly  Affecting: 
Columns  as  in  Section  II. 

Section  VII.  —  Systematic  Voluntary  Cooperation  by  Means  of  Polit- 
ical  Parties,   Clubs,   Agitations,   and    Campaigns,   relating   to 
Modification  of  Type  (Socialization) :  Motives  of  Socialization : 
Columns  as  in  Section  III. 

Section  VIII.  —  Systematic   Voluntary   Cooperation  by  Means   of 
Political  Parties,  Clubs,  Agitations,  and  Campaigns,  relating 
to  Modification  of  Type  (Socialization) :  Methods  of  Socialization : 
Columns  as  in  Section  IV. 

Section  IX.  —  Violent  or  Unlawful  Private  Political  Action :  Eiots, 
Insurrections,  Rebellions,  Revolutions,  Participation  in : 

M  1.   Frequent.  M  2.   Occasional. 

M  3.   Infrequent. 

Table  LXVIII.  —  Political  Activity:  As  publicly  Developed. 
Authoritative  Aggression  or  Defence  by  the  State 

Sections  and  Columns  as  in  Table  LXVI^with  substitution  of  Y  for  M. 

Table  LXIX. — Present  State  op  Political  Cooperation 
Section  I.  —  Private: 

Y  1.   Activity  General  ? 

Y  2.   Activity  Keen,  Intense? 


Concerted  Volition  175 

Y  3.   Activity  Violent,  Explosive  but  Lawful  ? 

Y  4.   Activity  Violent,  Unlawful? 

Y  5.   Activity  Systematic  and  Lawful  ? 

Section  11.  —  Public : 

Y  1.   Activity  Violent,  Military,  Coercive? 

Y  2.  Activity  Peaceful,  Legislative,  and  Administrative,  but  Dog- 
matic and  Coercive? 

Y  3.  Activity  Peaceful,  Legislative,  and  Administrative,  Delib- 
erative, Reasonable,  Educative  ? 

Section  III.  —  Degree  of  Synthesis  of  Ideas  and  Activities : 

Y  1.   Political  Ideas  converted  into  Traditions  ? 

Y  2.   Political  Activities  converted  into  Customs? 

Y  3.   Politicalldeasand  Activities  converted  into  Social  Values? 

Section  IV.  —  Degree  of  Socialization : 

Y  1.   Lowest?  Y  3.   High? 

Y  2.   Low?  Y  4.   Highest? 

Table  LXX.  —  Predominant  Mode  of  Like-mindedness 

Y  1.   Instinctive?  Y  3.   Dogmatic? 

Y  2.   Sympathetic?  Y  4.   Deliberative? 

Laivs  of  Concerted  Volition 

Doubtless  most  of  the  laws  of  concerted  volition,  formu- 
lating its  more  complicated  phenomena,  remain  to  be  dis- 
covered by  precise  inductive  study.  From  such  crude 
inductive  studies  as  have  already  been  made  by  statisti- 
cians, historians,  and  psychologists,  certain  rather  general 
laws  may  provisionally  be  formulated. 

The  Extent  and  Intensity  of  Impulsive  Social  Action.  — 
Imitation,  as  has  been  shown,  is  an  important  subjective 
factor  of  sympathetic  like-mindedness,  and  imitation  tends 
to  spread  in  a  geometrical  progression ;  therefore  impul- 
sive action  tends  to  spread  according  to  the  same  law. 

In  the  same  progression  also  it  intensifies. 


176  Inductive  Sociology 

The  individual  who  starts  a  movement  is  at  the  outset  subject 
only  to  the  original  stimulus  acting  upon  his  own  mind.  When, 
however,  he  has  communicated  it,  the  emotional  excitement  of  a 
second  mind  reacts  upon  the  first.  When  they  in  turn  have  com- 
municated it  to  two  more,  the  emotional  reaction  of  three  minds  has 
begun  to  act  upon  each  of  the  four.  When  those  four  in  turn  have 
communicated  it  to  eight,  the  emotional  excitement  of  seven  has 
begun  to  react  upon  each  of  the  eight,  and  so  on  indefinitely. 

Thus  the  law  of  the  extent  and  intensity  of  impulsive 
social  action  is  as  follows :  — 

Impulsive  social  action  tends  to  extend  and  to  intensify  in 
a  geometrical  progression. 

The  Restraint  of  Impulsive  Social  Action.  —  The  only 
restraint  that  can  hold  in  check  the  tendency  to  impul- 
sive social  action  is  deliberation,  —  critical,  comprehensive 
thinking.  Deliberation,  however,  must  have  become  a 
habit  of  mind  in  order  to  exercise  much  restraining  in- 
fluence upon  social  impulse.  It  becomes  a  habit  of  mind 
only  in  connection  with  its  employment  in  practical  activ- 
ity, and  this  happens  when  the  practical  activities  of  life 
are  so  complex  that  it  is  impossible  to  achieve  success  by 
those  direct,  apparently  obvious,  but  really  futile  means, 
which  suggest  themselves  to  a  bright  but  childlike  mind. 

To  the  bird  that  has  flown  into  a  room,  the  obvious  way  to  get  out 
seems  to  be  by  vainly  beating  its  wings  against  the  window-pane. 
Only  by  accident  does  it  discover  that  by  the  indirect  method  of 
flying  down  to  the  space  below  the  raised  sash  can  it  gain  the  desired 
freedom.  This  lesson,  that  many  of  the  most  vital  achievements  in 
life  depend  upon  indirect  means  is,  all  things  considered,  the  most 
important  lesson  of  human  experience.  The  discovery  of  indirect 
means  is  possible  only  through  reason  and  deliberation.  Little  by 
little,  as  such  discoveries  are  made  and  added  to  human  experience, 
and  as  the  habit  of  obtaining  results  by  indirect  means  is  acquired, 
there  is  a  stimulating  reaction  upon  the  development  of  reason  itself, 
and  a  slow  growth  of  the  habit  of  deliberation ;  and  this  habit,  as  has 
been  said,  is  the  only  means  that  can  be  relied  upon  to  hold  impul- 
sive social  tendencies  in  check. 


Concerted  Volition  177 

The  law,  then,  of  restraint  of  impulsive  social  action 
is:  — 

Impulsive  social  action  varies  inversely  with  the  habit  of 
attaining  ends  hy  indirect  and  complex  means. 

The  Controlling  Force  of  Tradition.  —  Because  it  is 
emotional  and  imaginative,  and  in  its  genesis  closely  allied 
to  motor  processes,  belief  compels  its  adherents  to  assert  it 
vehemently,  to  teach  it  zealously,  to  try  to  make  others 
accept  it,  and  to  compel  conformity  to  its  precepts. 
Knowledge,  on  the  other  hand,  or  verified  scientific  truth, 
never  tries  to  compel  allegiance.  Essentially  intellectual 
and  contemplative,  it  waits  to  be  accepted  by  those  who 
have  the  intelligence  to  discover  and  to  appreciate  it. 

From  the  foregoing  facts,  it  follows  that  when  the  social 
mind  assumes  the  mode  of  belief,  it  becomes  an  active 
social  force,  tending  to  compel  acceptance  and  conformity. 

This  control  by  belief  is  reenforced  by  the  influence  of  antiquity, 
chiefly  because  mere  venerableness  is  impressive  and  has  much  of 
the  effectiveness  of  emblem  and  shibboleth. 

Accordingly,  the  laws  of  the  social  force  of  tradition 
are  :  — 

First,  tradition  is  authoritative  and  coercive  in  proportion 
to  its  antiquity. 

Second,  tradition  is  authoritative  and  coercive  in  propor- 
tion as  its  subject-matter  consists  of  belief  rather  than  of 
critically  established  knowledge. 

Social  Choice,  Preference.  — When  the  conditions  favour- 
able to  rational  social  choice  exist,  the  choice  itself  is  deter- 
mined by  the  scale  of  social  values,  just  as  individual 
choices  are  determined  by  the  scale  of  ethical  and  economic 
values  in  individual  minds. 

Preference  is  determined  chiefly  by  the  ideal  of  person- 
ality and  of  the  distinction  or  attainment  of  the  com- 
munity. 


178  Inductive  Sociology 

Life  is  a  struggle  for  existence  and  a  survival  of  the  fit.  Power, 
courage,  efficiency,  are  more  essential  than  pleasurable  indulgence. 
The  rewards  of  life,  nevertheless,  must  in  large  measure  be  enjoyed, 
or  vital  power  itself  ceases,  and  the  race  perishes.  Self-restraint,  in 
turn,  must  be  developed  or  indulgence  destroys.  And  finally,  self- 
restraint  must  be  subject  to  enlightened  reason,  or  growth  ceases.  It 
follows  that  in  every  great  population  we  may  expect  to  find  more 
men  valuing  the  primitive  virtues  of  power,  courage,  and  ability,  in 
every  form,  than  valuing  the  virtues  and  ideals  later  evolved. 

Assuming  that  inductive  investigation  will  prove  that 
such  is,  in  fact,  the  distribution  of  preference,  the  law  of 
preference  is  formulated  as  follows  : — 

In  all  social  choice,  the  most  influential  ideals  are  those 
of  the  forceful  man,  the  'powerful  community,  of  virtue  in 
the  primitive  sense  of  the  word;  second  in  influence  are 
ideals  of  the  convivial  man,  the  prosperous  and  pleasure- 
loving  community,  the  utilitarian  or  hedonistic  virtues  ;  third 
in  influence  are  ideals  of  the  austere  man,  the  righteous  or 
just  community,  the  Stoic  or  Puritan  virtues  of  self-re- 
straint ;  fourth  in  influence  are  the  ideals  of  the  rationally 
conscientious  man,  of  the  liberal  and  enlightened  community, 
of  the  virtues  of  reasonableness,  broad-mindedness,  and 
charity:  but  if  mental  evolution  continues,  the  higher 
ideals  become  increasingly  influential. 

Sooial  Choice,  Combination,  and  Means. — While  a  popu- 
lation, like  an  individual,  shows  marked  preferences  in  its 
estimation  of  the  qualities  of  the  ideal  socius  or  community, 
and  in  its  estimation  of  ends  to  be  achieved,  in  real  life  it 
is  always  necessary  to  make  many  combinations  of  choices, 
many  modifications,  and  to  decide  upon  the  best  means  of 
realizing  the  preferred  ends.  In  these  attempts  to  make 
combinations  and  to  select  means,  certain  characteristics 
of  choice  appear  which  we  are  in  the  habit  of  speaking  of 
as  conservative  or  radical.  Some  communities,  like  indi- 
viduals, are  loath  to  displace  one  object  of  value  by  another. 


Concerted  Volition  179 

to  disturb  existing  relations,  or  to  resort  to  any  extreme 
means  in  order  to  achieve  desired  ends.  Other  communi- 
ties, like  individuals  of  a  different  type,  are  eager  to  sweep 
away  the  old,  to  indulge  in  radical  experiment,  and  to 
try  any  means  that  give  promise  of  success.  These  ten- 
dencies, however,  are  not  fortuitous:  they  are  strictly 
governed  by  law. 

In  choosing  our  pleasures,  we  have  to  modify  some  in- 
dulgences so  that  they  will  combine  well  with  others ;  or, 
failing  to  do  that,  we  have  to  sacrifice  some  pleasures 
altogether. 

As  a  rule,  many  moderate  pleasures  that  combine  well  will  make 
up  a  larger  total  of  satisfaction  than  a  few  pleasures,  each  of  which 
is  intense.  Therefore,  it  is  necessary  to  correct  each  subjective  value 
as  individually  considered,  by  reference  to  its  probable  relation  to 
other  values. 

Again,  in  subjective  valuations  by  the  individual,  imme- 
diate good  is  not  necessarily  the  only  element  considered. 

Further  corrections  may  be  made  for  the  future  good  or  ill  that 
must  result  from  the  choice  contemplated,  including  reactions  on  the 
personality,  the  self -development,  and  the  self-activity  of  the  chooser. 

As  soon  as  the  individual  has  acquired  the  intellectual 
power  to  make  such  corrections,  he  attempts  to  bring  his 
subjective  values  into  a  consistent  whole ;  but  the  compo- 
sition of  the  whole  and  his  success  in  making  it  harmonious 
throughout  depend  very  much  upon  his  own  experiences. 

If  his  experiences  have  been  of  few  kinds,  and  each  has  often 
been  repeated,  his  consciousness  has  become  identified  with  a  total 
of  subjective  values  that  is  thoroughly  consistent,  so  far  as  it  goes, 
but  that  is  very  simple  in  its  make-up.  His  few  pleasures  are  rela- 
tively intense,  and  he  pursues  each  further  than  he  would  if  they 
were  varied. 


180  Inductive  Sociology 

If  now  some  new  element  or  new  mode  of  good  is  in- 
troduced into  his  life,  —  a  new  pleasure,  more  intense  than 
any  that  he  has  hitherto  enjoyed,  —  or  if  suddenly  he  sees 
opened  to  him  possibilities  of  many  new  modes  of  good, 
which,  however,  are  more  or  less  incompatible  with  those 
to  which  he  has  been  accustomed,  his  group  of  subjective 
values  becomes  at  once  larger  and  more  complex  than  it 
was  before,  but  also  less  organized. 

A  long  time  will  elapse  before  the  readjustment  is  made.  It  will 
involve  many  sacrifices  and  self-denials.  Meanwhile,  the  chances 
are  that  he  will  choose  crudely  and  radically.  He  will  substitute 
oftener  than  he  will  combine.  He  will  destroy  when  he  might  con- 
serve. He  will  go  wholly  over  to  the  new  way  of  life,  enjoying  as 
before  a  few  modes  of  experience  intensely,  instead  of  learning  that 
he  might  get  a  greater  total  of  satisfaction  from  a  large  number  of 
less  intense  experiences  harmoniously  put  together. 

Let  these  principles  now  be  applied  to  a  population.  It 
is  usual  to  speak  of  the  elements,  modes,  and  means  of 
good  collectively  as  interests.  A  population  map  of  a 
country  may  be  made,  showing  the  distribution  of  the 
people  according  to  their  interests.  In  one  region  is  dis- 
covered a  marked  predominance  of  those  who  have  lived 
for  generations  in  a  circumscribed  way  —  the  people  of 
narrow  experiences  and  of  few  interests.  In  another 
region  are  discovered  large  numbers  of  those  who  have 
suddenly  found  themselves  face  to  face  with  possibilities 
of  which  they  had  not  dreamed.  Elsewhere  are  discovered 
those  who  have  so  long  enjoyed  varied  experiences  and 
have  cultivated  manifold  interests  that  their  subjective 
values  make  up  totals  that  are  highly  complex,  and  yet, 
at  the  same  time,  harmonious.     ^ 

The  people  of  these  different  regions  in  their  industry, 
their  law-making,  their  educational  and  religious  under- 
takings,   and  their  organization  of   institutions,   choose. 


Concerted  Volition  181 

select,  or  decide,  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  mental 
characteristics  that  these  different  experiences  have  de- 
veloped. 

The  law  of  combination  and  of  means  which  their 
choices  exemplify  is  as  follows :  — 

\A.  population  that  has  only  a  few  interests,  which,  how- 
ever, are  harmoniously  combined,  is  conservative  in  its 
choices.  A  population  that  has  varied  interests,  which  are 
as  yet  inharmoniously  combined,  is  radical  in  its  choices. 
Only  the  population  that  has  many,  varied,  and  harmoniously 
combined  interests  is  consistently  progressive  in  its  choices.  / 


PART  III 

SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION 

CHAPTER  I 
The  Nature  and  Forms  of  Social  Organization 

Permanence  of  Cooperation 

fMANY  of  the  activities  in  which  individuals  combine 
their  efforts  are  continued  or  repeated  until  they  have 
become  habitual ;  and  the  cooperating  individuals  in  these 
cases  sustain  relatively  permanent  relations  to  one  an- 
other. Habitual  relations  of  the  members  of  a  society  to 
one  another,  and  persistent  forms  of  cooperative  activity, 
collectively  are  called  the  Social  Organization] 

Public  Sanction 

jWhen  cooperation  has  become  permanent  and  the  rela- 
tions of  cooperators  have  become  stable,  a  further  evolu- 
tion of  social  organization  results  from  a  concurrence  of 
concerted  volition  in  its  general  or  public  phase,  with  the 
concerted  volition  that  is  partial  and  private. 

The  relations  themselves  that  men  sustain  to  one  another,  and  the 
forms  of  cooperative  activity,  spring  up  as  a  result  of  individual  sug- 
gestion and  practical  convenience.  Eelations  that  are  accidentally 
formed  prove  to  be  interesting,  agreeable,  and  useful,  and  therefore 
are  permanently  maintained.  Forms  of  cooperation  that  are  invented 
for  a  temporary  purpose  prove  to  be  so  successful  that  they,  too,  are 
persisted  in.     In  all  this  we  see  nothing  but  the  spontaneous  action 

182 


The  Nature  and  Forms  of  Social  Organization         183 

of  resembling  and  sympathetic  minds  pursuing  their  own  immediate 
practical  interests  through  concerted  volition  of  a  purely  private  sort. 
When,  however,  these  spontaneously  formed  features  of  social 
organization  have  become  so  well  established  or  so  conspicuous  that 
they  challenge  the  attention  of  every  member  of  the  community, 
they  become  subjects  of  universal  discussion  and  of  general  approval 
or  disapproval.  Subjected  then  to  analysis  and  criticism,  they 
finally  are  pronounced  good  or  evil,  or  doubtful,  by  the  concurrent 
opinion  of  the  society.  Their  further  development  thenceforward  is 
tolerated  or  encouraged  by  the  state,  or  they  are  stamped  out,  and 
the  individuals  who  attempt  to  maintain  them  are  punished. 

The  essential  basis  of  social  organization  in  every  stage 
of  its  history  is  like-mindedness,  the  agreement  of  the 
thoughts  and  feelings  of  many  individuals  which  makes 
practical  cooperation  possible.  All  social  organization, 
accordingly,  is  an  expression  of  like-mindedness  in  the 
population. 

As  will  be  explained  presently,  peculiarities  in  the  development 
of  social  organization  are  to  be  accounted  for  partly  by  the  passion 
of  like-minded  people  to  perfect  and  to  extend  like-mindedness  itself  \ 
that  is,  to  make  the  community  more  and  more  homogeneous  in  mental 
and  moral  qualities;  partly  by  a  developing  appreciation  of  the  value 
of  unlike-mindedness  as  a  means  of  variation  and  progress;  and  partly 
by  the  combination  and  reconciliation  of  these  two  motivesj 

Forms  of  Organization 

In  every  community  social  organization  assumes  certain 
great  forms.  These  are,  namely,  (1)  the  Private  and  the 
Public,  (2)  the  Unauthorized  and  the  Authorized  (Institu- 
tions), (3)  the  Unincorporated  and  the  Incorporated,  (4)  the 
Component,  and  (5)  the  Constituent. 

Public  and  Private  Organization. — The  difference  be- 
tween public  and  private  organization  is  essentially  the 
same  as  that  between  concerted  volition  in  its  public  and 
in  its  private  aspects,  which  already  has  been  explained. 
Public  organization  is  coextensive  with  the  state,  includ- 


184  Inductive  Sociology 

ing  local  divisions  of  the  community  that  exercise  public 
authority.  It  is  a  manifestation  of  that  will  of  the  entire 
society  which  we  call  sovereignty;  it  carries  and  transmits 
the  coercive  power  of  the  state.  The  private  organization, 
on  the  other  hand,  can  put  the  coercive  power  of  the  state 
in  motion  only  indirectly.  If  it  requires  the  assistance  of 
legal  or  military  force,  it  can  obtain  it  only  by  applying  to 
a  court  or  to  some  public  executive  authority. 

The  commonwealth  is  not  the  only  public  organization.  Lesser 
public  organizations  are  created  by  the  state.  For  example,  a  muni- 
cipality is  a  public  organization  ,that  has  received  from  the  state  the 
authority  to  organize  a  police,  to  make  arrests,  and  to  use  force  in 
other  ways  if  necessary  to  maintain  public  order.  All  this  it  can  do 
in  virtue  of  the  authority  originally  conferred  upon  it,  without  being 
obliged,  when  the  emergency  arises,  to  ask  special  permission,  or  to 
seek  the  special  assistance  of  any  higher  power. 

Institutions. — Closely  connected  with  the  distinction 
between  public  and  private  organization  is  that  between 
social  arrangements  that  are  institutions  and  others  that 
are  not.  An  institution  is  a  social  relation  that  is  con- 
sciously permitted  or  established  by  adequate  and  rightful 
authority,  that  is,  in  the  last  resort,  by  sovereignty. 

r  There  is  no  word  in  any  language  that  is  more  carelessly  used  by 
writers  who  should  know  better,  than  this  word  "institutions." 
Those  forms  of  organization,  those  relations  and  arrangements, 
which  the  social  mind  in  its  public  capacity  has  reflected  upon, 
which  it  has  accepted,  and  which  through  the  organs  of  the  state 
it  has  allowed  or  commanded, — and  those  only,  —  are  institutions. 
Any  social  organization  or  relation  that  has  grown  up  unperceived  by 
the  public  becomes  an  institution  when  the  attention  of  the  state  is 
called  to  it,  and  the  state  then  permits  it  to  exist,  thereby  authoriz- 
ing it.  A  band  of  robbers  may  be  an  organization,  but  it  is  not  an 
institution.  The  social  arrangements  of  a  community  of  savages 
-are  modes  of  organization,  but  they  are  not  institutions.! 

Incorporated  and  Unincorporated  Organizations. —  Social 
organizations  that  have  become  institutions   may  be  in- 


The  Nature  and  Forms  of  Social  Organization         185 

corporated  or  unincorporated.  The  incorporated  organi- 
zation is  an  institution  that  not  only  is  authorized,  to  the 
extent  of  being  tolerated  by  the  state,  but  that  also  is 
established  by  a  definite  creative  act  of  the  state.  Its  plan 
of  organization  has  been  described  by  law ;  its  powers 
have  been  fixed  by  law,  and  likewise  its  responsibilities. 
It  has  the  rights  and  duties  of  a  legal  personality. 

The  incorporated  organization  may  be  either  public  or  private. 
Municipalities  are  pubHc  corporations;  manufacturing  and  trading 
companies  are  private  corporations.  A  further  characteristic  of 
private  corporations  usually  is  a  limited  liability  of  their  individual 
members. 

All  unincorporated  organizations  are  private  associations.  A  vil- 
lage, if  unincorporated,  is  merely  a  private  body.  In  civilized  com- 
munities innumerable  societies  for  all  conceivable  purposes  have  no 
legal  status,  and  depend  entirely  upon  the  voluntary  support  of  their 
individual  members. 

Tlie  Social  Composition. — In  every  community  that  is 
larger  than  a  single  family,  there  is  a  grouping  of  individ- 
uals that  brings  together  both  sexes  and  all  ages  in  those 
small  organizations  that  we  call  families;  brings  families 
together  in  villages,  towns,  or  cities ;  brings  towns  or  cities 
together  in  provinces,  departments,  or  commonwealths, 
and  combines  the  latter  in  national  states.  This  plan  of 
organization  may  be  called  the  Social  Composition. 

The  chief  characteristic  of  the  social  composition  is  the 
capacity  of  each  of  the  component  groups,  whether  it  be 
a  commonwealth,  a  city,  or  merely  a  family,  to  live  an 
independent  life,  and  to  perpetuate  human  society  if  it 
were  cut  off  from  relations  with  all  other  communities  in 
the  world. 

Containing,  as  each  component  group  does,  both  sexes  and  indi- 
viduals of  more  than  one  generation,  it  has  all  the  elements  neces- 
sary for  the  perpetuation  of  the  race,  and  therefore  for  the  growth 
of  population  and  for  the  evolution  of  social  relations. 


186  Inductive  Sociology 

All  component  societies,  except  families  and  unincorporated 
villages,  are  public  organizations. 

The  Social  Constitution.  —  A  very  different  form  of 
grouping  and  organization,  found  in  each  component 
society  larger  than  a  single  family,  may  be  called  the 
Social  Constitution.  This  is  an  organization  of  the  indi- 
vidual members  of  the  community  into  associations  or 
groups,  for  carrying  on  special  forms  of  activity  or  for 
maintaining  particular  interests.  Each  of  these  groupings 
may  be  called  a  constituent  society. 

Such  associations  are:  business  partnerships  and  corporations, 
political  parties,  churches,  philanthropic  societies,  schools,  univer- 
sities, and  scientific  associations.  Constituent  societies  —  which 
more  often  than  not  include  individuals  of  one  sex  only,  though  not 
necessarily  so,  and  are  organized  only  for  the  special  purpose  of 
carrying  on  some  form  of  business,  political,  or  intellectual  activity 
—  have  in  themselves  no  natural  power  of  self-perpetuation,  and  can 
exist,  therefore,  only  as  subdivisions  of  component  societies. 

Most  constituent  societies  are  private  organizations.  Chief  among 
exceptions  is  the  state,  the  supreme  political  organization. 

Table  I.  —  Existing  Forms  of  Organization 

Y  1.  Public?  Y  5.  Incorporated? 

Y  2.  Private?  Y  6.  Unincorporated? 

Y  3.  Authorized?  Y  7.  Component? 

Y  4.  Unauthorized?  Y  8.  Constituent? 


CHAPTER  II 
The  Social  CoMPOsiTioisr 

Beseniblance  in  Component  Societies 

A  COMPONENT  society  is  wholly  or  partly  a  genetic 
aggregation.  The  smaller  component  groups,  including 
families  and,  sometimes,  villages,  may  be  products  of 
genetic  aggregation  only.  Such  larger  component  socie- 
ties as  cities  and  commonwealths  are  products  of  genetic 
aggregation  and  congregation  together. 

Whatever  the  degree  of  their  kinship,  the  members  of 
a  component  society  share  as  much  mental  and  moral 
resemblance  as  is  necessary  for  practical  cooperation.  If 
they  are  of  widely  different  origins,  their  potential  resem- 
blance enables  them,  through  assimilation,  to  approach  a 
common  type. 

In  many  particulars,  however,  the  members  of  a  com- 
ponent society  are  unlike.  In  addition  to  differences  of 
sex  and  age  and,  in  the  larger  groups,  of  nationality, 
there  are  differences  of  ability,  character,  and  taste. 

It  is  possible  to  discover  what  resemblances  are  essen- 
tial in  a  component  society,  and  what  differences  are 
tolerated. 

Tribal  component  societies  insist  upon  kinship.  Civil 
component  societies  highly  value  a  common  blood,  but 
do  not  demand  it;  instead,  they  require  potential  like- 
ness. All  component  societies  require  mental  and  moral 
likeness;   but,  within  the  limits  of  a  common  morality, 

187 


188  Inductive  Sociology/ 

there  may  be  no  insistence  upon  any  one  point  of  mental 
or  moral  similarity,  so  long  as  the  aggregate  of  resem- 
blances remains  large  and  varied.  Subject  to  these  con- 
ditions, the  mental  and  moral  differences  among  the 
members  of  a  component  society  may  be  of  any  imagi- 
nable kind.  So  far,  then,  as  mental  and  moral  traits  are 
concerned,  no  particular  resemblance,  but  the  amount  of 
resemblance,  —  the  number  and  variety  of  points  of  resem- 
blance, —  is  characteristic  of  the  component  society. 

Within  the  same  integral  society  any  one  component 
society,  conceived  in  its  entirety,  is  usually,  in  structural 
type,  more  like  another  component  society  of  similar  size 
and  composition,  and  a  part  of  the  same  integral  society, 
than  the  individual  members  of  either  component  society 
are  like  one  another  in  mental  type. 

The  people  of  two  towns,  or  counties,  or  commonwealths,  within 
the  same  national  state,  when  each  group  is  viewed  collectively,  are 
likely  to  be  of  the  same  race  and  speech ;  they  may  have  each  about 
the  same  proportion  of  farmers,  tradesmen,  mechanics,  and  profes- 
sional men;  they  may  have  the  same  religious  beliefs  and  the  same 
political  preferences.  Nevertheless,  in  each  group,  we  probably 
find  men  of  widely  different  political  preferences,  widely  different 
religious  beliefs,  most  unlike  occupations,  and  of  different  nation- 
alities. 

Since  each  component  group  has  the  same  characteris- 
tics as  any  other  group  of  similar  composition  and  dimen- 
sions, and  lives  in  much  the  same  way,  it  follows  that 
component  societies  mutually  aid  each  other  in  power  and 
in  mass,  rather  than  by  a  division  of  labour. 

The  combination  of  two  or  more  commonwealths  in  a  federal 
union  produces  a  more  powerful  state,  precisely  as  the  combination 
of  two  or  more  regiments  of  infantry  produces  a  more  powerful 
fighting  force.  The  advantage,  moreover,  is  purely  one  of  power 
and  mass,  and  not  of  the  sort  that  is  derived  by  combining  infantry 


The  Social  Composition  189" 

with  artillery  and  cavalry.     The  advantages  due  to  a  division  of 
labour  we  owe  to  the  organization  of  constituent  societies. 

While  two  component  societies  of  the  same  grade  are 
more  nearly  alike  in  structural  type  than  the  individual 
members  of  either  are  in  mental  type,  the  individual 
members  of  either  are  more  like  one  another  than  they 
are  like  the  individual  members  of  any  other  group. 

So  long  as  perfect  freedom  to  go  from  place  to  place  and  to  choose 
one's  residence  exists,  individuals  or  families  that  find  themselves 
out  of  sympathy  with  the  population  in  which  they  happen  to  dwell 
are  in  the  habit  of  going  elsewhere  and  seeking  more  congenial 
neighbours.  Accordingly,  there  may  always  be  discovered  a  sifting 
and  segregating  process,  which  is  tending  to  bring  together  the 
potentially  alike,  to  convert  potential  into  actual  resemblance,  and  to 
eliminate  those  inharmonious  elements  that  cannot  be  reconciled  with 
the  prevailing  type  of  character  and  habit. 

Consequently,  in  the  component  society,  there  is  always 
found  a  persistent  tendency  toward  homogeneity.  With 
respect  to  moral  and  mental  likeness  apart  from  kinship, 
however,  this  tendency  takes  the  form  of  a  multiplication 
of  the  points  of  resemblance  rather  than  of  insistence  upon 
any  one  point  in  particular. 

Types  of  Social  Composition 

Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  social  composition,  soci- 
eties are  of  two  great  types,  the  Ethnic  or  Tribal,  and  the 
Civil  or  Demotic.  Ethnic  societies  in  turn  are  of  two 
types,  the  metronymic  and  the  patronymic.  And  finally, 
any  component  society,  ethnic  or  civil,  metronymic  or 
patronymic,  may  be  endogamous  or  exogamous. 

Ethnic  and  Demotic  Societies.  —  Ethnic  societies  are 
genetic  aggregations.  A  real  or  fictitious  blood  kinship 
is  their  chief  social  bond.  They  are  otherwise  known  as 
tribal  societies,  and  include  all  communities  of  uncivilized 


190  Inductive  Sociology 

races  which  maintain  a  tribal  organization.  Demotic 
societies,  while  in  some  degree  products  of  genetic  aggre- 
gation, are  largely  congregate  associations.  They  are 
groups  of  people  that  are  bound  together  by  habitual  inter- 
course, mutual  interests,  and  cooperation,  emphasizing 
their  mental  and  moral  resemblance,  and  giving  little  heed 
to  origins  or  genetic  relationships. 

There  still  survive,  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  savage  and  bar- 
barian communities  of  such  varied  stages  of  social  organization  that 
every  form  of  social  composition  may  still  be  observed  and  compara- 
tively studied  in  actually  existing  communities. 

Metronymic  and  Patronymic  Societies.  —  A  metronymic 
group  is  one  in  which  all  relationships  are  traced  through 
mothers;  relationships  on  the  father's  side  are  ignored. 
A  patronymic  group  is  one  in  which  all  relationships  are 
traced  in  the  male  line  through  fathers. 

Every  metronymic  social  group  is  named  from  some  class  of 
natural  objects,  such  as  a  species  of  plant  or  animal,  which  is  thought 
of  as  feminine  in  gender,  and  from  which  the  group  is  supposed  to 
have  sprung.  A  class  of  objects  so  regarded  is  known  among  ethnolo- 
gists as  a  totem,  which  is  approximately  its  American  Indian  name. 
The  totem  is  worshipped  as  possessing  divine  powers,  and  as  main- 
taining a  special  protective  oversight  of  the  group ;  and  the  group  in 
turn  protects  the  totem  from  harm.  Usually,  no  animal  or  plant  of 
the  totemic  class  can  be  slain  or  used  for  food ;  but  probably  there 
was  a  time  when  the  totemic  species  was  the  usual  food  supply  of  the 
group  that  afterward  abstained  from  it.^ 

Each  patronymic  group  is  named  from  a  real  or  fictitious  male 
ancestor.     Metronymy  is  presumably  older  than  patronymy. 

Endogamous  and  Exogamous  Societies.  —  An  endoga- 
mous  group  is  one  in  which  the  men  may,  and  usually  do, 
take  women  of  their  own  group  as  wives.     An  exogamous 

1  See  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "  The  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,"  Chapter 
vi.  and  pp.  207,  467. 


The  Social  Composition  191 

group  is  one  in  which  men,  by  sacred  custom,  are  forbidden 
to  marry  women  of  their  own  group,  and  to  which  they 
bring  wives  from  other  groups. 

The  family  group  is  almost  everywhere  exogamous,  although 
endogamous  —  that  is  incestuous  —  families  are  found  in  some  of  the 
lowest  savage  communities  and  occasionally  elsewhere.  The  totemic 
kindred  is  sometimes  endogamous  and  sometimes  exogamous.  Larger 
ethnic  societies  are  usually  endogamous.  In  civil  societies  larger 
than  family  groups  restrictions  of  endogamy  and  exogamy  have 
disappeared,  although  actual  marriage  custom  remains  either  prevail- 
ingly endogamous  or  prevailingly  exogamous. 

The  Composition  of  Ethnic  Societies 

In  the  composition  of  ethnic  societies  Families  are  com- 
bined in  Hordes,  hordes  are  consolidated  into  Tribes,  and 
tribes  are  combined  in  Confederations.  Family,  horde,  and 
tribe  are  the  component  groups  of  ethnic  society. 

The  Family  is  the  simplest  component  society.  All 
human  beings,  from  the  lowest  savages  to  civilized  men, 
live  in  family  groups.  But  these  groups  are  by  no  means 
always  of  the  kind  that  we  are  familiar  with  in  civilized 
lands. 

The  simplest  form  of  the  human  family  is  a  pairing  arrangement 
of  short  duration.  Among  the  Mincopis,  of  the  Andaman  Islands, 
it  is  customary  for  the  father  to  live  with  the  mother  until  after  their 
child  is  weaned,  and  then  to  seek  another  wife.  A  similar  arrange- 
ment, somewhat  more  stable,  but  seldom  of  lifelong  duration,  is  found 
among  the  Blackfellows  of  Australia,  the  northern  Eskimo  of  Green- 
land, and  the  Amazonian  Indians  of  Brazil. 

When  the  Hawaiian  Islands  were  first  invaded  by  whites,  a  family 
organization  was  discovered  which  is  called  by  its  Hawaiian  name, 
punaluan.  It  is  constituted  by  the  marriage  of  a  group  of  brothers 
to  a  group  of  sisters,  who,  however,  are  not  sisters  to  their  husbands. 
Each  woman  is  a  wife  to  all  the  men,  and  each  man  a  husband  to  all 
the  women.     This  form  still  exists  among  the  Todas  of  India. 


192  Inductive  Sociology 

The  polyandrian  family,  in  which  a  woman  has  several  husbands, 
is  usually  found  among  tribes  that  have  passed  beyond  the  lowest 
savagery  into  the  somewhat  higher  stage  of  barbarism. 

There  are  two  well  marked  types  of  polyandry,  known  respectively 
as  Tibetan  and  Nair.  In  Tibetan  polyandry,  so  called  because  it  has 
been  most  carefully  studied  in  Tibet,  the  husbands  are  brothers. 
This  is  the  commoner  form.  In  Nair  polyandry,  which  takes  its 
name  from  a  district  of  southeastern  India,  the  woman's  husbands 
are  not  related. 

Polyandry  existed  until  recently  in  Ceylon,  in  New  Zealand,  in 
New  Caledonia,  and  elsewhere  in  the  Pacific  Islands.  It  is  still 
found  in  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  in  many  places  in  Central  and 
Northern  Asia.  It  was  formerly  common  among  the  Indian  tribes 
on  the  Orinoco  and  in  the  Canary  Islands.  Traces  of  it  still  remain 
among  the  Hottentots  of  South  Africa,  the  Damaras,  the  mountain 
tribes  of  the  Bantu,  and  the  Hovas  of  Madagascar.  Polyandry, 
formerly  prevailed  among  the  Picts  and  the  Irish;  and  there  are 
abundant  evidences  of  its  former  existence  in  other  Aryan  stocks, 
and  throughout  the  Semitic  and  Hamitic  races. 

The  polygynous  family,  in  which  the  husband  has  two  or  more 
wives  or  concubines,  has  been,  and  still  is,  even  more  general  than 
polyandry. 

This  form  is  often  wrongly  called  polygamous,  a  term  which 
means  many  marriages,  and  therefore  really  includes  polyandry,  or 
the  plural  marriage  of  one  woman  to  two  or  more  men,  as  well  as 
polygyny,  or  the  marriage  of  one  man  to  two  or  more  women. 

Polygyny  depends  upon  the  ability  of  the  husband  to  support  a 
large  domestic  establishment;  and  it  is  therefore  practically  con- 
fined to  the  relatively  well-to-do  classes  in  those  communities  that 
tolerate  it.  It  usually  happens,  therefore,  that  in  pol^'^gynous  so- 
cieties the  poorer  classes  are  either  monogamous  or  polyandrian. 
Polygyny  still  flourishes  in  China  and  in  Turkey,  and  only  recently 
ceased  to  be  a  tolerated  form  of  marriage  in  one  of  the  territories  of 
the  United  States. 

As  societies  have  advanced  in  culture,  monogamy,  or  the  marriage 
union  of  one  man  with  one  woman,  has  everywhere  tended  to  dis- 
place polyandry  and  polygyny.  Theoretically,  a  monogamous  mar- 
riage is  of  lifelong  duration.  Actually,  however,  divorce  is  nearly 
everywhere  allowed  for  various  causes ;  and  the  monogamous  family 
is  therefore  sometimes  unstable. 


The  Social  Composition  193 

The  Horde.  —  This  is  a  name  applied  to  a  small  social 
group  composed  of  a  few  families  and  comprising  not  more 
than  from  twenty-five  to  one  hundred  persons  in  all. 

No  such  horde  is  anywhere  found  living  in  absolute  isolation.  It 
is  always  in  communication  with  other  similar  hordes  of  the  same 
race,  language,  and  culture.  Under  the  influence  of  excitement  or  of 
fear,  or  to  share  an  unusual  food  supply,  or  for  the  purpose  of  migra- 
tion, hordes  may  temporarily  congregate  in  large  numbers ;  but  they 
do  not  permanently  combine  with  one  another  under  the  leadership 
of  a  common  chief  for  military  or  political  action,  and  there  is  no 
organization  of  a  religious  or  industrial  character  that  binds  them 
together  in  a  larger  whole. 

Examples  of  clusters  of  hordes  not  compacted  into  any  larger 
organization  are  the  Veddahs  of  Ceylon,  the  Mincopis  of  the  Andaman 
Islands  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  the  Australian  Blackfellows,  the  Bush- 
men of  South  Africa,  the  Fuegians  of  Tierra  del  Fuego,  the  Innuit 
of  the  northeastern  and  northwestern  coasts  of  North  America,  the 
Utes  of  the  Eocky  Mountains,  and  the  Indians  of  the  Amazonian 
forests. 

The  Tribe.  —  This  name  is  properly  applied  to  any  com- 
munity in  which  several  hordes  have  become  welded  into 
a  larger  and  more  definitely  organized  society,  occupying 
a  defined  territory,  speaking  one  language  or  dialect,  and 
conscious  of  its  unity,  or  in  which  a  single  horde,  grown 
to  many  times  its  original  size,  has  become  di:fferentiated 
and  organized. 

The  smallest  united  and  organized  society  that  is  composed  of 
lesser  social  groups  that  are  themselves  larger  than  single  families 
is  a  tribe.  The  word  "  tribe  "  is  often  used  inaccurately.  It  should 
never  be  applied  to  a  single  horde,  or  even  to  a  cluster  of  hordes. 
A  tribe  is  always  sufficiently  organized  to  have  a  military  leader  or 
chief. 

The  members  of  a  tribe  may  dwell  together  in  a  single  camp  or 
village,  or  they  may  be  distributed  in  two  or  more  villages.  Where 
the  tribe  includes  more  than  one  village,  the  arrangement  may  point 
to  a  survival  of  hordes  that  have  been  combined  in  a  larger  organiza- 
tion, or  it  may  indicate  the  beginning  of  a  division  of  the  tribe  into 
two  or  more  new  tribes. 


194  Inductive  Sociology 

By  far  the  best  organized  metronymic  tribes  that  have  as  yet 
been  studied  by  ethnologists  are  the  North  American  Indians.  The 
typical  Indian  tribe  is  differentiated  into  exogamous  totemic  kin- 
dreds, each  of  which  is  supposed  to  be  distantly  related  to  all  other 
totemic  kindreds  in  the  tribe.  Examples  of  metronymic  tribes  in 
other  parts  of  the  world  are  the  two  tribes  of  the  Damaras  ,in  South 
Africa,  the  Congo  tribes  of  West  Africa,  the  inland  Negroes,  the 
Kasias  of  Bengal,  the  Tahitians  and  Tongans  of  Polynesia,  and  the 
Hovas  of  Madagascar. 

Among  existing  patronymic  tribes  are  the  Santals  of  the  Western 
mountains  of  lower  Bengal,  the  Ostyaks  who  inhabit  the  dreary 
northern  country  of  the  banks  of  the  Obi,  the  Kaffirs,  the  Bechua- 
nas,  and  the  Hottentots  of  South  Africa.  Well  known  historical 
examples  of  patronymic  tribes  were  those  of  the  Hebrews,  the 
Greeks,  the  Romans,  and  the  Germans. 

The  Confederation.  —  This  is  any  number  of  tribes 
united  for  warlike  and  sometimes  for  other  purposes,  but 
still  maintaining  a  social  organization  on  the  basis  of  kin- 
ship, and  therefore  not  developed  into  true  civil  states. 

The  famous  federation  of  the  Iroquois  Indians  in  the  state  of 
New  York,  in  which  five,  afterward  six,  tribes  were  bound  together 
in  a  powerful  military  league,  was  an  excellent  example  of  this 
grade  of  social  composition  in  metronymic  society.  Other  examples 
have  been  the  Tongans  and  the  Malagasy.  The  confederations  of 
Frankish,  Burgundian,  and  other  German  tribes  that  overran  the 
Roman  Empire  were  likewise  good  examples  of  the  same  grade  of 
composition  in  patronymic  society.  A  coherent  aggregation  or  con- 
federation of  tribes  is  properly  called  a  Folk  or  Ethnic  Nation. 

The  Composition  of  Civil  Societies 

In  the  composition  of  civil  societies  Families  are  com- 
bined in  Hamlets,  Villages,  or  Parishes ;  these,  in  turn,  are 
combined  in  Towns,  Communes,  or  Cities;  these,  in  their 
turn,  are  combined  in  Counties  or  Departments ;  counties 
or  departments  are  combined  in  Kingdoms,  Republics,  or 
other  Commonwealths;    and   finally  kingdoms  or  other 


The  Social  Composition  195 

commonwealths  may  be  combined  in  Federal  States  or 
Empires.  No  description  of  these  component  societies  is 
necessary. 

Table  II.  — The  Family 

A  1.   Number  of  Endogamous  Families. 

A  2.   Number  of  Pairing  Families. 

A  3.    Number  of  Punaluan  Families. 

A  4.    Number  of  Polyandrian  Families. 

A  5.   Number  of  Polygynous  Families. 

A  6.   Number  of  Monogamous  Families. 

Table  III.  —  The  Horde 

Y  1.   Endogamous?  Y  3.   Patronymic? 

Y  2.   Metronymic  ?  A  4.   Total  number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  IV.  —  The  Cluster  of  Hordes 
First  three  columns  as  in  Table  III. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Hordes. 
A  5.   Number  of  Endogamous  Hordes. 
A  6.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  V.  — The  Tribe 
First  three  columns  as  in  Table  III. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Villages. 
A  5.   Number  of  Endogamous  Villages. 
A  6.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  VI.  —  The  Confederation  of  Tribes 
First  three  columns  as  in  Table  III. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Tribes. 
A  5.   Number  of  Endogamous  Tribes. 
A   6.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  VII.  —  The  Hamlet,  Village,  or  Parish 

Y  1.   Prevailingly  Endogamous  ? 
A  2.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 


196  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  VIII.  —  The  Town,  Commune,  or  City 

Y  1.  Prevailingly  Endogamous  ? 

Y  2.   Component  Subdivisions  prevailingly  Endogamous  ? 

A  3.   Total  Number  of  Hamlets,  Villages,  Parishes,  or  Wards. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  IX. — The  County  or  Department 

First  two  columns  as  in  Table  VIII. 
A  3.   Total  Number  of  Towns,  Communes,  or  Cities. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Table  X.  —  The  Province  or  Commonwealth 
First  two  columns  as  in  Table  VIII. 
A  3.   Total  Number  of  Counties  or  Departments. 
A  4.   Total  Number  of  Families. 

Other  columns  as  in  Table  II. 

Origin  of  the  Social  Composition 

To  a  great  extent  all  degrees  of  social  composition 
beyond  the  family  and  the  horde  are  products  of  the 
deliberative  action  of  the  social  mind. 

The  federation  of  tribes,  or  of  states,  is  effected  by  the 
social  mind  under  the  pressure  of  external  necessities, 
especially  those  of  defence  and  aggression.  When  inte- 
gration has  been  accomplished,  a  certain  internal  necessity 
obliges  the  social  mind  to  maintain  the  union  after  its 
original  purpose  has  been  achieved.  The  consciousness 
of  kind  is  the  compelling  power.  The  social  mind  puts 
its  impress  on  each  component  group  and  moulds  it  into 
conformity  with  a  certain  type.  Thus,  in  a  given  com- 
munity, every  variety  of  the  family  may  have  existed 
at  the  outset,  or  may,  from  time  to  time,  appear.  But 
the  social  mind  gives  approval  to  some  one  type  only,  — 
for  example,  the  monogamic,  —  and  prohibits  or  discoun- 


The  Social  Composition  197 

tenances  all  others.  In  like  manner,  in  the  common- 
wealth each  component  town,  and  in  the  federal  state 
each  component  commonwealth,  is  compelled  to  conform 
to  a  type  or  standard. 

Thus  the  social  composition  is  a  psychological  rather 
than  a  physical  fact.  So  viewed,  it  may  be  described  as 
an  alliance,  in  each  component  group,  of  individuals  who 
in  many  points  are  alike,  but  who  tolerate  in  one  another 
particular  differences ;  supplemented  by  an  alliance  of 
like  types  and  a  non-toleration  of  unlike  types  among 
component  groups. 

The  Law  of  Development  of  Social  Composition 

Accordingly,  while  much  actual  resemblance  of  individ- 
uals to  one  another  is  necessary  in  the  component  group, 
and  a  greater  actual  resemblance  of  group  types  to  one 
another  is  necessary  throughout  the  social  composition,  a 
yet  greater  potential  resemblance  is  necessary  among  both 
individuals  and  types. 

The  social  composition,  then,  is  formed  by  the  mutual 
attraction  of  the  like  and  non-toleration  of  the  unlike ; 
except  to  the  extent  that  the  actually  unlike  are  so  far 
potentially  alike  as  to  admit  of  continuing  assimilation. 
As  the  integration  of  the  like  proceeds,  the  social  mind 
becomes  aware  of  the  process,  deliberately  approves  it, 
and  by  all  possible  means  furthers  it.  The  social  mind 
does  this  because  it  develops  within  itself  a  passion  for 
homogeneity  of  type,  and  a  judgment  of  the  usefulness 
of  integration  or  federation,  as  a  defensive  and  offensive 
measure. 

We  therefore  may  say  that  the  social  composition  is 
produced  by  the  reciprocal  attractiveness  of  like  for  like, 
and  is  developed  by  the  passion  for  homogeneity  and  inte- 


198  Inductive  Sociology 

gration,  through  an  effort  to  combine  the  potentially 
with  the  actually  alike,  and  to  create  a  common  type. 
The  law  of  development  of  the  social  composition  there- 
fore is :  — 

The  social  composition   develops  in  proportion  to  the 
intensity  and  scope  of  the  passion  for  homogeneity. 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Social  Constitution 

Eesemblance  in  Constituent  Societies 

Any  association  organized  for  carrying  on  a  particular 
activity,  or  for  achieving  some  special  social  end,  is  a  con- 
stituent society.  This  name  is  descriptive  because  such 
associations  collectively,  when  harmoniously  correlated  so 
that  they  supplement  one  another's  functions,  are  the  social 
constitution  of  the  community.  Collectively,  they  carry 
on  the  greater  part  of  the  diversified  social  activities. 
Since  the  constituent  society  has  a  defined  object  in  view, 
it  is  purposive  in  character.  Its  members  are  supposed 
to  be  aware  of  its  object,  and  to  put  forth  effort  for  its 
attainment. 

Membership  in  a  constituent  society  is  not  an  incident 
of  birth.  New  members  are  admitted  into  a  purposive 
association  only  by  their  own  consent  and  by  the  permis- 
sion of  members.  Where  members  seem  to  enter  it  by 
birth,  as  in  a  church  which  claims  the  children  of  mem- 
bers, it  is  not  kinship,  but  a  claim,  consciously  made  and 
allowed,  that  is  the  true  ground  of  the  membership  rela- 
tion. Therefore,  purposive  associations  have  no  indepen- 
dent existence.  They  depend  on  one  another,  and  they 
presuppose  the  social  composition.  They  are  found  only 
within  a  comprehensive  autogenous  or  integral  society. 

The  facts  of  resemblance  to  be  observed  in  the  member- 
ship of  a  constituent  society  are  precisely  the  opposite  of 
those  observed  in  the  membership  of  a  component  society. 

199 


200  Inductive  Sociology 

Component  societies  are  more  alike  in  structural  type 
than  their  members  are  in  mental  type.  The  members 
of  a  constituent  society  are  more  alike  with  reference  to 
the  purpose  that  unites  them  than  are  any  two  associations. 

The  members  of  a  given  trade  union,  for  example,  with  reference 
to  the  objects  of  organized  labour,  are  more  alike  than  are  any  two 
equally  accessible  and  efficient  unions.  Were  this  not  so,  the  differ- 
ing members  would  join  other  organizations.  No  two  churches  re- 
semble each  other  so  closely  in  feeling  and  belief  as  do  the  actually 
cooperating  members  of  any  given  church.  The  members  of  trade 
unions  collectively,  or  of  churches  collectively,  resemble  each  other 
more  than  trade  unions  in  general  resemble  churches  in  general. 
The  members  of  business  corporations  collectively,  or  of  scientific 
societies  collectively,  resemble  each  other  more  closely  than  the 
scientific  societies  resemble  the  business  corporations. 

Furthermore,  of  the  three  great  modes  of  resemblance, 
— namely,  the  mental  resemblance  that  is  correlated  with 
kinship,  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance  that  is  inde- 
pendent of  kinship,  and  potential  likeness,  —  it  is  the  first 
and  the  third  that  are  chiefly  prominent  and  most  insisted 
on  in  the  component  society.  It  is  the  second,  or  actual 
mental  and  practical  resemblance  for  the  time  being,  that 
is  most  conspicuous  and  most  insisted  on  in  the  con- 
stituent society. 

The  component  society,  if  relatively  homogeneous  in 
race  and  nationality,  and  if  certain  that  its  differing  ele- 
ments are  undergoing  assimilation  to  a  common  type,  may 
tolerate  much  diversity  of  mental  and  moral  traits,  indeed, 
must  do  so  if  it  is  to  have  a  social  constitution  and  a  divi- 
sion of  labour.  The  passion  for  homogeneity  which  it 
manifests  is  the  desire  to  maintain  a  general  homogeneity 
of  blood,  or  at  least  to  assimilate  the  different  elements  of 
nationality  and  speech  to  a  common  kind,  and  to  mould 
the  traditional  belief  to  a  common  type.     It  is  in  matters 


The  Social  Constitution  201 

of  detail  that  it  is  willing  to  tolerate  difference.  In  the 
constituent  society  it  is  precisely  a  matter  of  detail  that  is 
of  chief  concern.  In  constituent  societies,  therefore,  like- 
ness of  nationality  and  potential  resemblance  may,  to  a 
great  extent,  be  ignored;  but  actual  agreement  of  mind 
and  character  upon  the  specific  object  for  which  the  asso- 
ciation exists  is  required. 

Finally,  as  each  association  in  the  social  constitution 
does  a  specific  work,  it  may  be  said  to  have  a  social  func- 
tion. From  this  point  of  view,  purposive  grouping  may 
be  described  as  functional  association.  The  combination 
of  purposive  associations  is,  therefore^  a  coordination ;  and 
their  mutual  aid  is  not  limited  by  a  mere  increase  of  mass 
and  power.  It  is  effected,  also,  through  a  division  of 
labour. 

Types  of  Constituent  Societies 

Constituent,  like  component,  societies  are  ethnic  or 
civil  in  type.  In  membership  many  constituent  societies 
are  identical  or  nearly  identical  with  certain  component 
societies.  In  these  cases  the  component  groups  are  func- 
tioning as  constituent  associations  ;  and  to  the  extent  that 
this  occurs,  the  social  constitution  is  not  yet  differentiated 
from  the  social  composition.  Other  constituent  societies 
are  entirely  distinct  from  component  groups  of  every  sort. 
Many  constituent  societies  are  secret  organizations,  others 
are  open.  Furthermore,  every  constituent  society  has  a 
composition  and  a  constitution  of  its  own. 

Ethnic  and  Civil  Constitution.  —  In  communities  whose 
composition  is  ethnic  in  type  the  constituent  associations, 
like  the  component  groups,  are  organized  on  a  basis  of  con- 
sanguinity. They  insist  upon  those  resemblances  that  are 
correlated  with  the  narrower  degrees  of  kinship.  In  com- 
munities whose  composition  is  civil  in  type  the  constituent 


202  Inductive  Sociology 

associations,  like  the  component  groups,  are  based  upon 
mental  and  practical  resemblances  that  are  independent  of 
the  narrower  degrees  of  kinship. 

Degree  of  Separation  from  Component  Groups.  —  In  cer- 
tain cases  the  constituent  society  is  only  a  component 
society,  acting  in  a  particular  way,  at  a  particular  time, 
for  a  particular  purpose ;  as  if  a  village  should  on  a  special 
occasion  resolve  itself  into  a  hunting  party,  or  a  public 
meeting,  or  a  "committee  of  the  whole,"  to  celebrate  a 
great  event  or  to  enjoy  a  festival.  Differentiation  of  the 
social  constitution  from  the  social  composition  is  far  more 
advanced  in  civil  than  in  ethnic  societies. 

A  great  many  facts  point  to  the  conclusion  that  in  social 
evolution  constituent  societies  grow  out  of  and  are  dif- 
ferentiated from  component  societies  through  a  specializa- 
tion of  function.  Constituent  associations  that  are  separate 
from  the  social  composition  are  always  voluntarily  formed 
purposive  associations. 

Secret  and  Open  Societies.  —  Secrecy  and  a  rigorous  ex- 
ercise of  authority  over  members  are  conspicuous  features 
of  purposive  associations  in  savage  tribes,  and  hardly  less 
so  in  the  great  Oriental  empires  of  China,  Farther  India, 
and  Persia.  In  mediaeval  days  they  marked  the  social 
organization  of  Western  Europe ;  but  they  are  now  excep- 
tional there,  and  are  rare  in  the  United  States,  if  the 
whole  number  of  organizations  is  taken  into  account. 

Perhaps  no  more  interesting  contrast  than  this  exists  in  the  social 
systems  of  America  and  China.  America  is  sociologically  a  vast 
plexus  of  free  associations,  most  of  which  are  perfectly  open  in  their 
objects  and  methods.  China  is  a  social  network  of  oathbound  secret 
societies,  whose  members  are  under  threat  of  mutilation  or  death  if 
they  reveal  the  mysteries  of  their  fraternities.  There  is  probably 
some  close  connection  between  such  a  contrast  and  the  relative  pre- 
dominance of  economic  association  in  the  West,  and  of  religious, 
fraternal,  and  defensive  association  in  the  East. 


The  Social  Constitution  203 

The  Organization  of  Constituent  Societies.  —  Every  pur- 
posive association,  whether  differentiated  from  the  social 
composition  or  not,  whether  secret  or  open,  has  not  only 
a  function  but  also  a  composition  and  a  constitution  which 
are  adapted  to  the  performance  of  the  function. 

In  the  composition  of  purposive  associations  individuals  are  com- 
bined as  persons  and  by  categories,  —  for  example,  the  categories  of 
employer  and  employee  in  the  composition  of  an  industrial  group. 
The  composition  of  associations  must  be  studied  with  reference  to 
the  common  trait  or  interest  that  unites  their  members. 

The  constitution  of  a  purposive  association  is  the  plan  of  organi- 
zation of  its  membership.  The  categories  of  individuals  which 
compose  it  are  combined  in  accordance  with  some  principle  of  sub- 
ordination or  coordination,  and  the  entire  membership  may  be  divided 
into  sub-societies,  bureaus,  or  committees. 

The  Constitution  of  Ethnic  Societies 

Ethnic  societies  are  so  much  smaller  than  civil  socie- 
ties, their  culture  is  so  much  less  advanced,  and  their 
activities  are  so  much  simpler,  that  their  constitution  is 
relatively  simple  and  undifferentiated.  Some  of  its  fea- 
tures, however,  are  unique,  and  must  be  studied  with  much 
care  before  the  history  and  modern  organization  of  civil 
society  can  be  understood. 

Compojient'Constituent  Societies.  —  This  term  may  be 
conveniently  used  to  designate  those  component  groups 
that  function  as  constituent  associations,  and  those  con- 
stituent societies  that  have  partially  but  not  yet  com- 
pletely separated  from  the  component  groups  in  which 
they  have  originated.  The  component-constituent  asso- 
ciations of  ethnic  society  are  the  Household,  the  Clan, 
the  Phratry,  the  Tribe,  and  the  Confederation. 

1.  The  Household.  —  This  is  the  primitive  purposive 
association;   it  is  an  organization  nearly  but  not  quite 


204  Inductive  Sociology 

identical  with  the  family.     Its  functions  are  cultural  and 
economic. 

The  family,  a  unit  in  the  social  composition,  is  a  genetic  aggrega- 
tion. The  household  is  a  purposive  group  composed  of  those  indi- 
viduals who  live  together  in  a  dwelling,  and  who  cooperate  in  learning 
their  environment,  in  obtaining  and  preparing  food,  in  manufacturing 
clothing,  tools,  and  utensils,  and  in  imparting  their  culture  to  chil- 
dren. Commonly,  but  not  always,  the  members  of  a  family  and  the 
members  of  a  household  are  identical.  Individual  members  of  the 
family  may  leave  their  own  household  group  to  dwell  elsewhere,  and 
the  household  may  include  members  who  are  not  of  the  family 
kindred.  Therefore,  while  the  family  is  a  component  society,  the 
household,  strictly  speaking,  is  a  constituent  society  or  purposive 
association. 

2.  The  Clan.  —  Still  more  complicated  in  its  structure 
and  functions  is  the  clan,  the  most  distinctive  and  the 
most  important  purposive  association  of  ethnic  society. 
The  clan  is  that  association  which  includes  all  those  kin- 
dred who  bear  the  same  totemic  name  or  the  same  surname. 
Its  functions  are  cultural,  economic,  and  juridical. 

The  clan  is  a  genetic  organization,  because  all  its  members,  in 
reality  or  nominally,  are  descended  from  a  common  ancestor  or  an- 
cestral group.  Yet  it  never  contains  all  of  such  descendants.  If  the 
clan  is  metronymic,  it  includes  all  sons  and  daughters  of  the  women 
born  into  the  clan,  but  never  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  men 
born  into  the  clan,  since  descent  is  reckoned  through  mothers,  and 
marriage  is  exogamous,  and  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  men, 
therefore,  necessarily  belong  to  the  clans  of  their  mothers.  If  the 
clan  is  patronymic  these  conditions  are  reversed.  Thus  the  clan  is 
one  segment  of  any  group  of  relatively  near  consanguini.  The  entire 
group  of  consanguini  or  "  enlarged  family,"  as  it  is  sometimes  called, 
consists  of  at  least  two  or  three,  and  probably  of  many,  clans.  The 
clan  accordingly  is  partially  identiiied  with  a  component  group. 
The  identification,  however,  never  can  be  complete,  first,  because 
the  clan  is  only  one  segment  of  the  component  group,  and  secondly, 
because  it  often  expels  members  who  by  right  of  blood  have  belonged 
to  it,  and  adopts  members  of  alien  blood. 


The  Social  Constitution  205^ 

As  a  purposive  association  the  clan  cherishes  a  common 
culture,  especially  in  religion  and  in  amusements,  it  en- 
gages in  many  common  economic  activities,  it  enforces 
rights  and  obligations,  and  it  preserves  the  juridical  tradi- 
tion. 

The  organization  and  functions  of  an  Iroquois  clan  revealed  the 
true  characteristics  of  clan  responsibilities  and  activities  with  great 
clearness.  Each  Iroquois  clan  had  an  elected  sachem,  whose  duties 
were  essentially  those  of  a  petty  justice.  He  interpreted  and  admin- 
istered the  juridical  traditions  of  the  clan.  The  clan  had  also  a 
council,  which  discussed  and  determined  all  matters  of  policy.  All 
clansmen  and  clanswomen  had  the  right  to  vote  in  electing  or  depos- 
ing the  officers  of  the  clan ;  all  were  forbidden  to  marry  within  the 
clan ;  all  were  bound  by  the  obligation  to  help  and  defend  a  fellow- 
clansman,  and  to  avenge  his  injuries;  all  shared  in  the  right  to 
bear  the  clan's  totemic  name,  to  inherit  the  property  of  deceased 
members,  and  to  adopt  strangers  into  the  clan;  all  shared  in  a 
common  horticulture,  in  a  common  storehouse,  and  in  common  rights 
of  trade;  all  participated  in  common  amusements  and  in  common 
religious  observances,  and  all  had  rights  in  a  common  burial  place. 

Similar  clan  organizations  are  found  in  savage  and  barbarian 
communities,  in  every  quarter  of  the  world.  A  metronymic  clan  is 
always  a  totemic  kindred,  and  it  is  often  called  a  totem-kin.  The 
clan  of  the  Greeks  was  called  the  yei/09,  and  that  of  the  Romans  the 
gens.  The  latter  word  was  used  by  Morgan  to  designate  the  clan  in 
all  its  varieties,  including  the  totem-kin.  A  later  usage  makes 
"  clan  "  the  generic  word,  and  reserves  "  gens  "  for  the  clan  of  the 
Greeks  and  of  the  Romans.  The  word  "clan"  itself  is  Celtic. 
The  clan  of  the  Hindus  is  called  the  gdira^  and  that  of  the  Arabs 
the  hayy} 

3.  The  Phratry.  —  The  phratry  is  a  brotherhood  of 
clans.     Its  functions  are  cultural  and  juristic. 

iFor  detailed  information  upon  the  clan,  the  student  should  consult  "The 
League  of  the  Iroquois,"  "Ancient  Society,"  and  other  writings  of  Lewis  H. 
Morgan  ;  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia  "  ;  Eobertson 
Smith,  "Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia"  ;  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  "An- 
cient Law"  ;  the  Reports  and  Transactions  of  Anthropological  and  Ethnologi- 
cal Societies,  and  especially  the  Reports  of  the  American  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


206  Inductive  Sociology 

When  a  clan  becomes  too  large  for  the  successful  performance  of 
all  its  functions,  it  normally  divides  into  sub-clans.  When,  in  the 
course  of  time,  the  sub-clans  become  clans,  they  may  perpetuate  the 
original  clan  organization  under  a  new  form,  as  a  brotherhood 
(<l>paTpia)  of  clans.  In  this  case  certain  functions  of  the  original 
clan  are  continued  by  the  phratry.  Among  these  are  the  conduct  of 
periodical  festivities,  in  which  the  members  of  the  different  clans 
belonging  to  the  phratry  come  together  for  a  renewal  of  their  origi- 
nal good-fellowship.  The  phratry  also  conducts  funerals  and  all 
the  more  important  religious  ceremonies.  Jurisdiction  of  capital 
crimes  remains  with  the  phratry,  and  to  it  can  be  taken  other  serious 
cases,  on  appeal,  from  the  clan.^ 

4.  The  Tribe.  —  Primarily  a  component  group,  the 
tribe,  functioning  as  a  constituent  association,  is  a  military 
organization,  usually  presided  over  by  a  council  of  chief- 
tains, who  have  been  the  successful  leaders  of  war  parties. 

The  consolidation  of  hordes,  in  which  the  tribe  normally  origi- 
nates, usually  begins  in  a  common  defence  or  a  common  aggression 
against  common  enemies;  the  distinctive  activities  of  the  tribe, 
therefore,  are  military  from  the  first. 

5.  The  Confederation.  —  Primarily  a  component  society, 
the  confederation,  functioning  as  a  constituent  association, 
is  a  political  organization.  Its  deliberations  are  conducted 
by  a  council  composed  of  leading  representatives  of  the 
federated  tribes. 

As  was  explained  in  the  chapter  on  Concerted  Volition, 
political  activity  is  a  private  and  public  cooperation  in  the 
task  of  socialization,  including  social  integration.  This 
activity  in  all  its  phases  is  first  developed  in  the  confeder- 
ation. 

For  example,  it  is  not  until  the  confederation  is  formed  that  juris- 
tic and  military  affairs  are  brought  under  one  common  authority. 

1  It  was  Morgan  who,  when  he  discovered  that  brotherhoods  of  clans  in  Iro- 
quois tribes  were  in  structure  and  function  essentially  like  the  brotherhoods  of 
gentes  in  Greek  and  Roman  tribes,  extended  the  name  "phratry"  to  all  such 
organizations.     See  "The  League  of  the  Iroquois"  and  "Ancient  Society." 


The  Social  Constitution  207 

In  the  single  tribe  the  clan  is  practically  supreme  in  juridical  mat- 
ters, as  the  tribe  is  in  military  matters.  The  council  of  the  confed- 
eration not  only  determines  war  and  peace  for  all  the  confederated 
tribes,  but  it  also  adjudicates  the  relations  of  tribes  and  of  the 
members  of  different  tribes  to  one  another,  as  the  council  of  the  clan 
adjudicates  the  relations  of  its  own  members.  Confederation,  fur- 
thermore, assimilates  the  slightly  differing  cultures  of  the  federated 
tribes,  especially  in  language. 

Special  Associations.  —  The  constituent  associations  dif- 
ferentiated and  separated  from  component  groups  that 
may  be  found  in  ethnic  society  are,  Eeligious  Secret  So- 
cieties, Hunting  Associations,  Feud  Associations,  Military 
Associations,  and  Political  Associations. 

1.  Religious  Societies.  —  These  are  altogether  the  most 
important  special  associations  found  in  tribal  society.. 
They  are  numerous  and  powerful. 

In  North  American  Indian  tribes,  they  are  known  as  Medicine- 
Lodges,  and  the  medicine  men  are  a  differentiated  religious  class.^ 

2.  Hunting  Associations.  —  These  in  tribal  society,, 
though  numerous  enough,  are  little  more  than  the  indefi- 
nite beginnings  of  economic  organization  outside  of  the- 
household. 

They  are  a  mere  consorting  of  kinsmen  in  the  longer  or  more 
dangerous  expeditions.  They  rarely,  if  ever,  attain  to  the  definite- 
ness  of  organization  characteristic  of  the  religious  society. 

3.  Feud  Associations.  —  Frequently  met  with  in  tribal 
societies  are  little  bands  of  men  sworn  to  an  especially  in- 
timate brotherhood,  to  mutual  protection,  and  to  a  redress 
of  wrongs. 

1  There  is  an  extensive  literature  descriptive  of  the  secret  religious  societies  of 
tribal  communities.  See  especially  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "  Native  Tribes  of  Cen- 
tral Australia"  ;  the  writings  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan  ;  monographs  by  Frank  Ham- 
ilton Cushing,  in  the  Reports  of  the  American  Bureau  of  Ethnology  ;  mono- 
graphs by  Carl  Lumholtz,  in  the  Anthropological  Series  issued  by  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  and  a  detailed  work  by  Professor  Franz  Boas, 
'*The  Secret  Societies  of  the  Kwakiutl." 


208  Inductive  Sociology 

The  brotherhood  thus  formed  is  in  many  respects  in  structure 
and  function  like  the  clan,  and  in  other  respects  like  the  religious 
society.  It  is,  however,  distinct  from  both,  and  always  is  a  purely 
voluntary  and  private  arrangement. 

4.  Military  Associations. — In  the  military  affairs  of 
the  tribe  individual  initiative  is  carefully  preserved. 

The  war  party  is  a  voluntary  purposive  association.  In  the  Ind- 
ian tribe  any  brave  might  call  for  volunteers  from  among  his 
clansmen  to  follow  him  on  the  warpath.  He  announced  his  project 
by  giving  a  war  dance.  "  If  he  succeeded  in  forming  a  company, 
which  would  consist  of  such  persons  as  joined  him  in  the  dance,  they 
departed  immediately,  while  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height. "  ^  If 
the  expedition  was  successful,  its  leader  might  hope  to  be  invested 
with  dignity  as  a  war  chief  of  his  clan. 

6.  Political  Associations. — The  one  class  of  voluntary 
political  organizations  in  tribal  confederations  of  which 
we  have  positive  knowledge  is  that  of  conspiracies  to  over- 
throw an  existing  order. 

Bands  of  conspirators  are  probably  the  first  voluntary  political 
organizations  to  be  formed.  At  all  events,  they  are  the  first  to  obtain 
notice  in  historical  records.^ 

The  Constitution  of  Civil  Societies 

While  in  ethnic  society  the  social  constitution  is  on 
the  whole  incidental  to  the  social  composition,  in  civil 
society  the  social  constitution  subordinates  and  dominates 
the  social  composition. 

Component- Constituent  Societies. — Each  component 
group  of  civil  society  functions  to  some  extent  as  a  pur- 
posive association;  or  rather,  to  speak  with  strict  accuracy, 
each  component  group  is  nearly,  but  not  quite,  identical 
with  some  one  constituent  society. 

^See  Morgan,  "Ancient  Society,"  pp.  117,  118. 

2 See,  e.g.,  Csesar's  account  of  the  conspiracy  of  Orgetorix,  "De  Bello  Gal- 
lico,"  Lib.  I,  cap.  ii. 


The  Social  Constitution  209 

As  in  ethnic  society,  the  household  is  not  always  pre- 
cisely the  same  group  as  the  family.  The  incorporated 
village,  a  constituent  society,  is  never  quite  identical  with 
the  village  as  a  component  group,  because  the  latter  con- 
tains inhabitants  who  are  neither  voters  nor  even  resi- 
dents, in  a  strict  legal  sense.  The  like  distinction  must 
be  made  between  the  municipality  as  a  public  corporation 
and  the  city  as  a  component  group, — a  dense  centre  of 
population.  The  state,  in  turn,  is  never  precisely  identical 
with  the  commonwealth  or  the  nation  as  a  component 
society.  The  latter  always  includes  inhabitants  who  are 
neither  voters  nor  even  citizens  in  the  state. 

1.  The  Household,  —  The  functions  of  the  household  as 
a  purposive  association  in  civil  society  are  the  same  in 
kind  as  in  ethnic  society,  but  more  developed  in  form 
and  in  detail. 

At  a  certain  stage  in  the  evolution  of  civil  society  the  household, 
patriarchal  in  organization,  becomes  a  highly  complex  economic 
organization.  Such  was  the  otKos  of  the  Greeks,  from  which  our 
words  "economy"  and  "economic"  are  derived.  In  later  evolution, 
however,  the  household  surrenders  most  of  its  industrial  activities 
to  specialized  associations,  while  retaining  and  developing  its  cul- 
tural functions. 

2.  The  Municipality. —  The  public  municipal  corpora- 
tion, including  under  this  head  the  incorporated  town  or 
township,  and  the  incorporated  village  or  borough,  has, 
like  the  clan  in  ethnic  society,  cultural,  economic,  and 
juridical  functions. 

There  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  hamlets,  developing  into 
villages,  themselves  originated  in  permanent  settlements  of  clans  or 
sub-clans.  The  incorporated  municipality  in  times  past  has  main- 
tained public  religious  rites.  In  many  parts  of  the  Old  World  it  pro- 
vides public  amusements  and  festivities,  and  everywhere,  in  modern 
days,  it  maintains  schools  and  other  educational  agencies,  often  in- 


210  Inductive  Sociology 

eluding  public  museums,  libraries,  and  galleries  of  art.  It  maintains 
bridges  and  roads,  including  pavements  and  sidewalks,  it  provides 
sewers,  and  oftentimes  a  water  supply.  In  earlier  days  it  often 
owned  and  managed  public  fields  or  commons.  Various  European 
cities  have  municipal  manufacturing  industries.  In  recent  years 
many  municipalities,  European  and  American,  have  experimented 
with  the  ownership  and  management  of  street  railways  and  of  the 
lighting  service.  A  survival  of  the  semi-communism  of  the  clan  is 
the  municipal  relief  of  the  poor,  and  support  of  paupers.  Municipal 
corporations  always  have  their  machinery  of  public  order  and  justice, 
including  constables  or  a  police  service,  and  petty  justices  or 
magistrates. 

3.  The  County  or  Department. — There  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  county  was  originally  identical  with  the 
tribe  or  some  portion  of  a  tribe,  permanently  settled  on 
the  land.  The  functions  of  the  modern  county,  however, 
are  chiefly  economic  and  juristic,  and  not  military. 

The  county  maintains  certain  roads  and  bridges,  courts,  and  jails, 
and  such  officers  of  justice  as  judges,  justices,  sheriffs,  and  deputies. 
The  county  often  supports  paupers  and  defectives. 

4.  The  State.  —  The  chief  purposive  organization  of 
civil  society  is  the  state,  through  which  the  social  mind 
dominates  the  integral  community,  prescribes  forms  and 
obligations  to  all  minor  purposive  associations,  and  shapes 
the  social  composition.  Coordinating  all  activities  and 
relations,  the  state  maintains  conditions  under  which  all 
its  subjects  may  live,  as  Aristotle  said,  "a  perfect  and  self- 
sufficing  life." 

(1)  The  Composition  of  the  State  includes  subjects  and 
members.  All  who  dwell  within  the  territorial  boundaries 
of  an  independent  state  are  its  subjects,  and  must  obey  its 
authority  and  laws.  Not  all  subjects  of  the  state,  how- 
ever, are  in  any  true  sense  members  of  it,  although  it  is  a 
very  common  error  to  assume  that  they  are.  Only  those 
who  share  in  the  consciousness  of  the  state,  and  who,  by 


The  Social  Constitution  211 

their  loyalty  and  willing  aid  contribute  to  its  authority 
and  power,  are  truly  members.  The  rebel,  the  traitor,  and 
the  criminal  are  in  the  state,  but  they  are  not  of  it. 

Therefore,  in  the  composition  of  the  state,  individuals 
are  combined  by  categories.  These  categories  are,  first, 
the  subjects  of  authority;  second,  the  makers  of  moral 
authority;  third,  the  makers  of  legal  authority;  and, 
fourth,  the  agents  of  legal  authority. 

All  who  share  in  the  consciousness  of  the  state  and 
freely  contribute  their  thought  and  effort  to  it  are  makers 
of  authority  in  a  general  sense,  that  is,  of  moral  authority. 
It  is  this  general  or  moral  authority  which  ultimately  is 
embodied  in  law  and  in  the  political  organization.  But 
not  all  who  help  to  create  moral  authority  actually  help 
to  convert  it  into  legal  forms.  The  makers  of  legal 
authority  are  those  who  legally  exercise  the  franchise  and 
by  their  votes  authorize  the  legal  acts  of  the  state.  The 
electors  of  the  state  are  thus  a  very  definite  purposive 
association,  within  an  association  that  is  larger  and  less 
definite ;  and,  as  in  all  other  purposive  associations  that 
are  definite  in  form,  new  members  are  admitted  to  the 
electorate  only  by  the  consent  of  members. 

The  agents  of  legal  authority  are  those  whom  the  elec- 
tors authorize  to  put  their  will  into  final  form  and  execu- 
tion. Collectively,  the  agents  of  legal  authority  are  the 
government. 

(2)  Constitution  of  the  State.  —  In  the  constitution  of 
the  state  the  most  important  subordinate  bodies  are  the 
public  corporations. 

The  state  first  incorporates  itself,  defining  its  territory  and  its 
membership,  describing  its  organization,  and  laying  upon  itself  the 
rules  of  procedure  by  which  it  will  systematically  conduct  its  affairs. 
It  next,  in  like  manner,  incorporates  the  local  subdivisions  of  society, 
such  as  counties,  townships,  and  cities,  and  assigns  to  each  certain 


212  Inductive  Sociology 

rights,  duties,  and  powers.  The  remaining  subordinate  organizations 
of  the  state  are  found  within  the  public  corporations.  They  consist 
of  parliamentary  and  legislative  bodies  to  initiate  the  formulation  of 
law ;  of  courts  to  complete  the  formulation  of  law  j  and  of  executive 
bureaus,  boards,  and  commissions. 

(3)  The  Functions  of  the  State  are  coextensive  with  hu- 
man interests.     This,  at  least,  is  what  they  are  in  fact. 

From  time  to  time,  political  philosophy  has  attempted  to  prove 
that  the  functions  of  the  state  ought  to  be  limited  to  a  comparatively 
narrow  sphere,  leaving  all  other  things  to  individual  initiative  and 
voluntary  organization.  The  sociologist  is  concerned  with  the  func- 
tions of  the  state,  however,  as  they  actually  appear  in  existing  com- 
munities and  in  history. 

The  primary  purpose  of  the  state  is  to  perfect  social  integration. 
To  this  end  it  maintains  armies  and  carries  on  diplomacy  to  protect 
the  nation  against  aggression,  or  to  enlarge  its  territory  and  popula- 
tion ;  and  it  maintains  tribunals  and  police  to  enforce  peace  within 
its  own  borders.  The  first  business  of  legislatures,  courts,  and  exec- 
utives is  to  combine,  defend,  and  harmonize  social  groups,  classes, 
individuals,  and  interests. 

Inevitably,  however,  the  performance  of  this  work  carries  the 
state  into  economic  activities.  All  modern  states  coin  money.  To 
a  very  great  extent,  credit  and  banking  operations  are  controlled  by 
government.  States  interfere  with  values  also  by  legislation  and 
taxation,  sometimes  on  a  vast  scale,  as  in  the  complicated  protective 
tariff  systems  of  the  United  States,  Germany,  and  France.  All 
states  put  the  chief  means  of  communication,  namely,  the  postal 
system,  under  the  management  of  the  government.  As  yet,  the  rail- 
road systems  of  the  world  are  operated  chiefly  by  private  corpora- 
tions. In  all  states,  however,  the  business  of  railroads  is  being 
more  and  more  closely  regulated  by  the  government,  and  in  many 
parts  of  Europe  railroads  have  become  government  property. 

Not  less  inevitable  is  it  that  states  should  assume  cultural  func- 
tions. The  members  of  the  state  see  that  social  cohesion  is  a  spirit- 
ual union  rather  than  an  external  compulsion,  and  that  it  depends 
upon  the  ideas  of  individuals.  They  believe  it  to  be  as  necessary  to 
guide  the  minds  of  men  as  it  is  to  suppress  crime  and  insurrection. 
Eightly  or  wrongly,  they  believe  also  that  the  guidance  will  be  inad- 
equate or  pernicious  unless  the  state  itself  is  the  supreme  guide. 


The  Social  Constitution  213 

Every  state,  therefore,  maintains  either  institutions  of  religion,  like 
the  Greek  Church  of  Russia,  or  an  elaborate  system  of  education, 
like  that  of  the  United  States  or  of  France.  Occasionally  a  state, 
like  England  or  Prussia,  succeeds  in  maintaining  side  by  side  a  state 
religion  and  a  state  instruction ;  but  it  is  generally  recognized  that 
such  a  policy  creates  a  condition  of  unstable  equilibrium.  Every 
state  in  these  days  recognizes  obligations  to  literature,  science,  and 
art,  and  undertakes  to  discharge  them  by  supporting  universities, 
and  such  institutions  as  the  French  Academy  and  the  numerous  sci- 
entific bureaus  of  the  United  States,  and  by  maintaining  libraries, 
museums,  and  galleries  of  art. 

Voluntary  Associations. — The  assumption  that  the  state 
has  only  functions  of  defence  and  arbitration  is  not  more 
erroneous  than  the  common  assumption  that  voluntary 
organization  has  only  economic  and  cultural  functions. 
Voluntary  organization  is  coextensive  with  every  mode  of 
human  activity. 

1.  Cultural  Associations. — In  the  composition  of  pri- 
vate cultural  associations,  there  is  an  alliance  of  persons 
of  like  beliefs,  tastes,  and  natures.  It  is  usually  the  pro- 
fessed purpose  of  cultural  associations  to  make  belief  or 
taste  the  condition  of  membership ;  but  this  ideal  is  never 
realized.  The  sympathetic  elements  of  the  consciousness 
of  kind  are  always  present  to  unite  some  whose  beliefs 
differ,  and  to  sunder  some  whose  beliefs  agree.  The  con- 
stitution of  cultural  associations  requires  no  special  de- 
scription. It  takes  the  form  either  of  corporations  or  of 
unincorporated  societies,  secret  or  open.  The  functions 
of  cultural  associations  are  linguistic,  aesthetic  and  pleas- 
urable, religious,  scientific,  and  educational. 

]S"early  every  country  has  associations  whose  object  is  to  preserve 
the  purity  of  the  nation's  language,  or  in  certain  particulars  to  modify 
or  reform  it. 

Fraternal  societies  usually  combine  mutual  aid  with  social  pleasure, 
as  do,  for  example,  the  Freemasons  and  the  Odd  Fellows.     Associa- 


214  Inductive  Sociology 

tions  for  the  promotion  of  art  or  music  often  serve  no  other  end. 
Social  clubs  sometimes  become  active  political  organizations  ;  but  in 
general  the  chief  objects  of  all  these  organizations  are  personal  cul- 
ture and  social  enjoyment. 

The  church  as  a  voluntary  organization  may  exist  in  a  country  like 
England  that  has  an  established  religion ;  but  it  can  attain  its  com- 
plete development  only  in  a  country  where  state  and  church  are 
completely  separated,  as  in  the  United  States. 

The  religious  population  of  a  country  is  organized  also  in  a  be- 
wildering number  of  special  associations.  These  include  the  monas- 
tic orders  and  societies  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  the 
missionary  and  other  societies  of  the  Protestant  denominations. 

Large  as  is  the  field  occupied  by  government  scientific  bureaus, 
state  universities,  and  public  schools,  fully  one-half  of  all  scientific 
and  educational  activity  is  carried  on  through  private  organizations  ; 
namely,  the  national  and  local  learned  bodies,  the  private  schools, 
and  the  denominational  colleges.  In  the  United  States,  every  branch 
of  research,  from  physics,  chemistry,  and  astronomy,  to  philology 
and  folklore,  is  fostered  by  an  association.  A  large  majority  of  the 
degree-conferring  colleges  and  universities  are  private  foundations ; 
and  the  larger  part  of  their  productive  funds  has  been  given  to  them 
by  individuals. 

2.  Economic  Associations. — Private  economic  associa- 
tions, as  a  rule,  are  composed  of  individuals  of  like  ability 
and  training.  In  economic  organization  less  than  else- 
where in  society  do  the  sympathetic,  instinctive,  and  emo- 
tional elements  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  determine 
alliances.  Intellectual  agreement  in  notions  of  utility  is 
the  controlling  principle. 

Yet  even  in  economic  organization,  race  and  national  prejudices 
have  their  influence.  In  the  United  States  they  are  the  cause  of  the 
refusal  of  white  artisans  in  both  the  North  and  the  South  to  work 
with  negroes,  and  of  the  practical  exclusion  of  the  negro  from 
mechanical  trades. 

The  categories  of  employer  and  employed  do  not  usually 
enter  into  the  composition  of  the  same  association. 


The  Social  Constitution  215 

They  are  combined  in  industrial  groups  which  unite  two  or  more 
associations ;  as,  for  example,  in  a  manufacturing  group  that  includes 
a  partnership  or  a  corporation  as  the  entrepreneur,  and  members  of 
several  trade  unions  as  employees. 

The  constitution  of  private  economic  associations  takes 
the  form  of  partnerships,  corporations,  and  miscellaneous 
associations  not  incorporated. 

Partnerships,  with  an  unlimited  liability  of  each  partner,' and  a 
limited  capital,  are  adapted  only  to  small  enterprises.  To  the  evo- 
lution of  the  corporation,  with  its  limited  liability  of  the  individual 
stockholder,  its  control  of  capital  by  the  massing  of  individual  ac- 
cumulations, and  its  command  of  the  services  of  men  of  superior 
ability,  we  owe  the  gigantic  industrial  undertakings  of  modern  times. 

Of  unincorporated  associations  with  economic  functions, 
the  most  important  are  producers'  and  traders'  combina- 
tions and  the  labour  organizations. 

Practically,  every  industry  is  controlled  or  affected  by  combina- 
tions that  attempt  to  regulate  production  and  prices.  Some  of  these 
combinations  are  mere  agreements,  while  others  are  somewhat  elabo- 
rate organizations,  with  power  to  impose  strict  conditions  upon  indi- 
vidual producers,  and  to  enforce  penalties  against  disobedience. 

Among  wage-earners'  associations  the  American  Federation  of 
Labour  is  a  good  example  of  complex,  yet  flexible  and  efficient, 
organization. 

The  study  of  the  functions  of  private  economic  associa- 
tions falls  within  the  special  social  science  of  Political 
Economy. 

The  functions  include  the  production  of  goods  in  agriculture, 
mining,  and  manufacturing,  by  means  of  industrial  groups  that 
range  in  complexity  from  the  combination  of  the  individual  employer 
and  his  workmen  to  the  association  of  great  corporations  and  their 
thousands  of  organized  employees  acting  as  a  unit.  They  include, 
also,  the  transportation  and  exchange  of  goods  by  means  of  railways, 
steamships,  and  express  companies,  and  by  mercantile  partnerships 
and  corporations ;  the  equilibration  of  values  through  ordinary  mar- 


216  Inductive  Sociology 

kets,  through  such  special  markets  as  produce  and  stock  exchanges, 
and  through  banking  organizations ;  the  accumulation  of  capital  and 
the  provision  against  want  by  means  of  institutions  for  saving, 
insurance,  and  mutual  aid;  economic  provision  for  the  helpless  and 
dependent;  and,  finally,  economic  aggression  and  defence  through 
the  mechanism  of  trusts  and  trade  unions. 

3 .  Moral  and  Juristic  Associations .  —  Among  voluntary 
associations  for  the  promotion  of  private  morals  the  most 
important  are  those  philanthropic  organizations  that,  to 
a  great  extent,  have  assumed  the  oversight,  guidance,  and 
encouragement  of  the  unfortunate,  the  irresponsible,  and 
the  erring,  which  once  was  exercised  by  the  church. 

They  are  as  many  and  as  varied  as  human  ills ;  and  no  complete 
enumeration  of  them  has  ever  been  made.  Among  those  especially 
worth  studying  are  charity  organization  societies,  the  National  Con- 
ference of  Charities  and  Correction,  the  National  Prison  Congress, 
and  the  University  and  other  social  settlements  modelled  more  or 
less  closely  on  the  Toynbee  Hall  experiment,  which  was  begun  in 
East  London  in  1885. 

Private  associations  that  assume  juristic  functions  are 
of  two  classes. 

The  largest  class  is  composed  of  lawless  organizations 
that  spring  into  existence  in  the  absence  of  legally  con- 
stituted courts,  or  when  courts  fail  to  do  their  duty  in 
protecting  property  and  life.  It  is  usually  the  lawless 
and  violent  elements  in  the  population  that  enter  into  the 
composition  of  illegal  or  non-legal  juristic  organizations. 

The  other  class  of  private  juristic  associations  includes 
organizations  to  arbitrate  disputes  or  to  adjust  pecuniary 
claims. 

Voluntary  boards  of  arbitration  are  not  infrequently  established 
to  deal  with  disputes,  of  an  essentially  juristic  character,  between 
employer  and  employed.  In  this  class  of  organizations,  also,  must 
be  included  legally  incorporated  associations,  whose  function  is  to 


The  Social  Constitution  217 

promote  the  enforcement  of  law  in  respect  to  particular  classes  of 
interests.  Among  such  are  various  organizations  for  preventing 
cruelties  to  children  or  to  animals,  for  enforcing  temperance  legislar 
tion,  sanitary  laws,  and  municipal  ordinances. 

4.  Political  Associations.  —  The  most  important  of  all 
voluntary  organizations  are  political  associations.  The 
state,  so  far  from  being  the  only  political  organization, 
could  not  exist  in  a  free  or  republican  form  were  there 
not  voluntary  and  private  political  associations. 

In  the  composition  of  political  associations,  men  of  like 
views  and  like  interests  are  allied.  It  is  a  great  mistake, 
however,  to  suppose  that  a  purely  intellectual  agreement 
upon  specific  matters  of  common  interest  is  the  chief  bond 
of  union  in  a  political  party.  The  real  bond  is  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  in  its  entirety,  including  sympathies, 
instincts,  agreement  in  beliefs,  and  other  forms  of  emotion 
and  prejudice  that  unite  men  in  political  action. 

Opinion  and  interest  are,  nevertheless,  important  fac- 
tors of  political  association.  No  political  party  is  as 
homogeneous  as  it  would  be  if  the  sympathetic  and  sen- 
timental elements  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  were  its 
sole  animating  power.  In  every  political  association 
there  are  men  of  unlike  natures  who  are  united  by  iden- 
tity of  opinions  or  by  community  of  interests.  The  het- 
erogeneity of  political  association  is  further  increased  by 
the  necessary  combination  of  leadership  and  following. 

The  constitution  of  voluntary  political  associations 
assumes  the  forms  of  secret  societies,  non-secret  but 
exclusive  clubs,  and  open  associations. 

Secret  societies  and  cabals  are  characteristic  of  states 
in  which  liberty  is  imperfectly  developed,  and  in  which, 
therefore,  all  criticism  of  the  government  and  all  private 
initiative  are  dangerous.  In  lands  where  freedom  of  dis- 
cussion is  upheld  by  law,  secret  association  in  politics  is 


218  Inductive  Sociology/ 

resorted  to  only  by  criminals,  revolutionists,  and  other 
men  who  fear  to  fight  in  the  open. 

Non-secret  but  exclusive  clubs,  combining  political  with 
social  functions,  have  long  been  a  form  of  voluntary  polit- 
ical organization,  and  have  at  times  played  an  important 
part  in  public  affairs. 

In  countries  that  enjoy  freedom  under  constitutional 
guarantee,  however,  the  active  work  of  politics  is  chiefly 
carried  on  by  those  open  associations  called  political  par- 
ties, to  which  all  voters  desiring  in  good  faith  to  join 
them  are  welcome. 

The  great  political  parties  of  England  and  the  United  States  are 
the  largest,  they  are  also  the  most  mobile  and  efficient  of  voluntary 
organizations.  Each  includes  among  its  adherents  men  of  every 
degree  of  mental  evolution,  of  almost  every  nationality,  and  of 
every  pursuit.  Each  is  so  perfectly  distributed  over  a  vast  area 
that  it  counts  voters  in  every  hamlet  of  the  national  domain.  It  is 
exceptional  when  either  of  the  leading  parties  of  the  United  States 
fails  in  a  presidential  election  to  poll  one  quarter  of  the  total  vote 
of  any  commonwealth. 

A  great  political  party  stands  for  a  general  way  of  look- 
ing at  public  affairs  and  of  dealing  with  them  rather  than 
for  any  single  interest.  It  is  controlled  more  by  class 
feeling  than  by  political  philosophy ;  and  inasmuch  as  the 
interests  of  a  class  do  not  remain  unchanged  throughout  a 
long  term  of  years,  a  great  political  party  is  never  continu- 
ously identified  with  a  particular  policy,  although  there  is 
a  widespread  popular  belief  that  it  is. 

The  natural  nucleus  of  one  great  political  party  in  every  country 
is  the  middle  class  of  business  men  engaged  in  manufactures  and 
commerce.  The  interests  of  commercialism  and  capitalism  always 
dictate  the  policy  of  the  party  to  which  the  business  classes  belong. 
The  opposing  party  is  quite  as  naturally  constituted  by  an  alliance 
of  the  land-owning,  professional,  and  wage-earning  classes. 


The  Social  Constitution  219 

These  groupings,  however,  form  only  the  core  of  each  great  politi- 
cal party.  Only  the  members  of  a  political  party  that  are  bound 
to  it  by  the  sympathetic  and  instinctive  elements  of  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind,  —  in  other  words,  by  class  instinct  and  prejudice, — 
can  be  depended  upon  to  vote  its  ticket  under  all  vicissitudes.  The 
men  who  join  it  from  conviction  or  from  interest  leave  it  from  time 
to  time  as  their  interests  change,  or  as  the  party  fails  to  support  the 
policy  which  they  regard  as  right.  Therefore,  while  parties  are  rela- 
tively enduring,  majorities  are  the  most  unstable  products  of  human 
combination.^ 

Second  in  importance  only  to  the  great  political  parties 
are  the  minor  parties  that  work  for  the  achievement  of 
particular  ends. 

Since  by  their  very  nature  the  great  parties  care  less  for  princi- 
ples or  measures  than  for  class  interests,  principles  and  measures 
have  to  be  forced  upon  them  from  without.  Consequently,  two  or 
three  parties  with  one  idea  apiece  are  always  in  the  field.  They 
seldom  win  an  election,  but  they  often  gain  a  hearing  and  conces- 
sions. They  spring  up  suddenly,  grow  with  astonishing  rapidity, 
and  as  quickly  melt  away. 

The  evils  of  partisanship  and  of  corruption  in  legisla- 
tion, and  the  spoils  system  of  administration,  have  called 
into  existence  numerous  associations  to  promote  patriot- 
ism, and  to  secure  honesty  in  governmental  affairs. 

Best  known  among  these  are  the  Civil  Service  Keform  Association 
and  its  branches,  and  important  organizations  in  most  of  the  great 
cities  for  promoting  local  municipal  reforms. 

In  addition  to  all  the  foregoing,  there  are  innumerable 
political  associations  to  promote  particular  interests,  to 
protect  particular  classes,  or  to  procure  particular  legisla- 
tion. Some  of  them  are  permanently  organized,  but  most 
of  them  are  short-lived. 

1  See  "Democracy  and  Empire,"  Chapter  xi;  "The  Nature  and  Conduct 
of  Political  Majorities." 


220  Inductive  Sociology 

The  functions  of  voluntary  political  organizations  may 
be  revolutionary  or  legal.  In  the  nature  of  things,  revo- 
lution can  be  achieved  only  through  voluntary  associa- 
tions. If  not  so  obvious,  it  is  just  as  certain,  that  a 
republican  form  of  government  can  be  maintained  only 
through  the  tireless  and  infinitely  varied  activity  of  vol- 
untary political  associations  that  keep  within  the  bounds 
of  law.  They  initiate  legislation,  they  criticise  adminis- 
tration, they  achieve  reforms. 

Every  one  understands  that  governments  do  not  criticise  and 
reform  themselves.  It  is,  perhaps,  not  so  generally  known  that  in 
modern  times  governments  initiate  but  little  legislation.  A  few 
important  measures  are  proposed  by  cabinet  ministers,  governors, 
and  presidents,  but  more  are  instigated  by  voluntary  associations 
whose  agents  draft  bills,  procure  their  introduction  in  Legislature, 
Congress,  or  Parliament,  and  watch  them  through  every  stage  of 
progress  to  final  enactment  or  rejection.  Without  such  associations 
there  could  be  no  republic  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.  The  alter- 
native is  bureaucracy  or  absolute  monarchy. 

Table  XI.  —  Component-Constituent  Societies 

Number  of  Households. 

Survivals  of  Patriarchal  Households  ? 

Family  Burial  Grounds  ? 

Number  of  Clans. 

Survivals  of  the  Clan  ? 

Number  of  Phratries. 

Survivals  of  the  Phratry  ? 

Survivals  of  the  Village  Community  ? 

Survivals  of  the  Manor  ? 

Number  of  Incorporated  Villages. 

Number  of  Boroughs. 

Number  of  Cities  of  Third  Class. 

Number  of  Cities  of  Second  Class. 

Number  of  Cities  of  First  Class. 

Number  of  Counties. 

Number  of  Departments. 


A 

1. 

Y 

2. 

Y 

3. 

A 

4. 

Y 

5. 

A 

6. 

Y 

7. 

Y 

8. 

Y 

9. 

A 

10. 

A 

11. 

A 

12. 

A 

13. 

A 

14. 

A 

15. 

A 

16. 

The  Social  Constitution  221 

Kumber  of  Provinces. 
Number  of  Commonwealtlis. 

Table  XII.  —  Special  and  Voluntary  Associations 

Number  of  Societies  cherishing  Language. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Secret  Fraternal  Societies. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Open  Fraternal  Societies,  including  Clubs. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Sporting  Associations,  Organizations  for  Con- 
ducting Games,  etc. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Art  Associations  and  Literary  Societies. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Secret  Eeligious  Societies. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Church  Organizations. 
Membership. 
15.  Number  of  Open  Religious  Societies,  not  Churches. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Scientific  Societies. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Business  Corporations. 
Stockholders. 

Number  of  Labour  Organizations. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Philanthropic  Organizations. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Legal  Juristic  Associations. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Illegal  Juristic  Associations. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Secret  Political  Organizations. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Open  Political  Clubs. 
Membership. 

Number  of  Political  Parties. 
Membership  of  Each. 

Most  of  the  information  called  for  in  this  table  is  annually  compiled  for  the 
United  States  by  the  "  World  Almanac."    When  the  membership  of  any  class 


A 

17. 

A 

18. 

A 

Ta] 
1. 

A 

2. 

A 

3. 

A 

4. 

A 

5. 

A 

6. 

A 

7. 

A 

8. 

A 

9. 

A 

10. 

A 

11. 

A 

12. 

A 

13. 

A 

14. 

A 

15. 

A 

16. 

A 

17. 

A 

18. 

A 

19. 

A 

20. 

A 

21. 

A 

22. 

A 

23. 

A 

24. 

A 

25. 

A 

26. 

A 

27. 

A 

28. 

A 

29. 

A 

30. 

A 

31. 

A 

32. 

A 

33. 

A 

34. 

222  Inductive  Sociology/ 

of  associations  cannot  arithmetically  be  given,  insert  instead  the  approximate 
proportion  of  the  whole  population  of  the  enumeration  unit  belonging  to  such 
societies. 


Generalizations 

Certain  generalizations  may  be  derived  from  the  fore- 
going account  of  the  social  constitution. 

The  most  important  of  these  has  been  disclosed  in  the 
discovery  that  governments  and  private  organizations 
duplicate  each  other's  functions.  In  the  social  constitu- 
tion either  public  or  private  associations  can,  at  need, 
assume  any  social  function. 

In  times  of  danger  the  government  can  operate  fleets  and  rail- 
ways, build  bridges,  manufacture  goods,  and  transact  financial  opera- 
tions on  a  vast  scale,  because,  in  times  of  security,  it  often  does  such 
things  on  a  small  scale.  In  times  of  anarchy  or  revolution  private 
associations  can  protect  life  and  property,  administer  justice,  and 
organize  a  provisional  government,  because,  in  times  of  peace  they 
initiate  legislation,  watch  the  enforcement  of  law,  and  hold  govern- 
ments to  their  work. 

This  generalization  is  of  practical,  no  less  than  of  scientific,  value. 
It  is  the  one  adequate  principle  by  which  to  judge  the  pretensions 
of  socialism  and  of  individualism.  The  socialists  are  right  when 
they  say  that,  if  it  were  necessary  or  desirable,  the  state  could  carry 
on  all  social  undertakings  through  public  agencies.  The  individu- 
alists are  equally  right  when  they  say  that  society  could  exist  and, 
after  a  fashion,  could  achieve  its  ends,  without  authoritative  govern- 
ment. Socialists  and  individualists  are  both  wrong  when  they  sup- 
pose that  either  of  these  things  will  happen  under  a  normal  social 
evolution. 

The  actual  distribution  of  functions  between  public  and 
private  agencies  is  a  varying  one.  It  changes  with  chang- 
ing circumstances. 

So  long  as  conditions  are  normal,  movements  that  tend,  on  the 
one  hand,  to  increase  public  activity,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  to  en- 
large the  opportunities  for  private  initiative,  are  self-limiting.     They 


The  Social  Constitution  223 

are  tendencies  toward  equilibrium.  Whatever  belittles  the  state  or 
destroys  belief  in  its  power  to  perform  any  kind  of  social  service, 
whatever  impairs  the  popular  habit  of  achieving  ends  by  private 
initiative  and  voluntary  organization,  endangers  society,  and  pre- 
vents the  full  realization  of  its  ends. 

Another  generalization  from  the  description  of  the 
social  constitution  is,  that  the  various  organizations  of 
society  are  not  only  correlated,  but  are  also  subordinated, 
some  to  other  organizations,  and  all  to  a  general  end. 

The  supreme  end  of  society  in  general  is  the  protection  and  per- 
fecting of  sentient  life.  The  end  of  human  society  is  the  develop- 
ment of  the  rational  and  spiritual  personality  of  its  members.  Only 
the  cultural  associations  are  immediately  concerned  in  this  function. 
Educational  institutions,  ethical,  scientific,  religious,  and  aesthetic 
organizations,  and  polite  society  act  for  good  or  ill  directly  upon  the 
individual.  To  these  the  economic,  the  legal,  and  the  political  or- 
ganizations are,  in  a  functional  sense,  subordinate.  In  a  functional 
sense,  they  exist  for  the  sake  of  cultural  organization  and  activity. 
The  social  mind  has  always  perceived  this  truth,  and  by  means  of 
its  sanctions  has  endeavoured  to  mould  the  social  constitution  into 
accordance  with  it.  Associations  and  relationships  are  fostered  or 
abolished  with  a  view  to  cultural,  no  less  than  to  protective,  ends. 

For  both  ends  specialization  and  a  division  of  labour 
are  necessary.  Therefore,  while  society  maintains  the 
homogeneity  of  its  composition,  it  is  obliged  to  tolerate 
and  to  promote  differentiation  in  its  constitution.  Psy- 
chologically, therefore,  the  social  constitution  is  the  pre- 
cise opposite  of  the  social  composition.  It  is  an  alliance 
in  each  simple  association  of  individuals  who,  in  respect 
to  the  purpose  of  the  association,  must  be  mentally  and 
morally  alike,  but  who  in  all  other  respects  may  be  un- 
like ;  supplemented  in  the  relations  of  associations  to  one 
another  and  to  integral  society,  by  toleration  and  coordi- 
nation of  the  unlike. 


224  Inductive  Sociology 

Law  of  Development 

Still  further  generalizing,  we  may  state  the  law  of  de- 
velopment of  the  social  constitution  as  follows  :  — 

TJie  development  of  the  social  constitution  is  proportional 
to  the  groivth  of  an  appreciation  of  the  value  of  variety  or 
unlikeness  in  society. 

The  social  constitution,  therefore,  is  the  result  of  a  de- 
sire to  combine  variety  with  homogeneity  in  a  complex 
unity. 


CHAPTER   IV 

The  Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization 

Coercion  and  Liberty 

The  forms  of  social  organization,  whether  component  or 
constituent,  whether  public  or  private,  whether  incorpo- 
rated or  unincorporated,  are  either  created  by  social  author- 
ity or  are  permitted  by  it.  Not  only  so,  but  any  social 
organization  may  be  an  agency  for  the  transmission  of 
social  control  to  its  individual  members.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  may  bring  to  bear  upon  them  a  social  pressure  to 
which  they  must  yield,  a  social  command  which  they  must 
perforce  obey.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  allow  them 
the  utmost  freedom  of  thought  and  action,  may  even  be  a 
means  of  defending  their  individual  liberties. 

In  these  features  we  discover  the  general  character  of 
the  social  organization  of  a  community.  Organization  is, 
on  the  whole,  coercive,  or  it  is,  on  the  whole,  liberal. 

The  Source  of  Liberty.  —  From  what  has  been  said  in 
the  chapters  on  the  Social  Mind,  it  is  evident  that  social 
control,  expressing  itself  either  as  sovereignty,  —  the  will 
of  the  whole  people  manifesting  itself  through  forms  of 
government,  —  or  expressing  itself  in  those  lesser  degrees 
felt  by  the  members  of  non-governmental  associations, 
may  be  so  coercive  that  no  individual  can  successfully 
oppose  it.  If,  therefore,  the  individual  actually  enjoys  a 
high  degree  of  liberty,  it  is  because  the  social  mind  per- 
mits him  to  do  so.     It  is  because  the  sovereign  state 

Q  225 


226  Inductive  Sociology 

creates  for  him  immunities,  and  protects  him  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  them. 

This  is  a  truth  of  sociology  and  of  political  science  which  the 
uneducated  man  always  finds  much  difficulty  in  comprehending.  It 
seems  to  him  that  his  liberty  is  born  with  him  ;  that  it  is  a  matter 
of  inherent  right,  and  subject  wholly  to  his  own  will.  This  is 
because  he  fails  to  realize  how  resistless  is  the  power  of  his  fellow- 
men  over  all  his  activities,  and  even  over  his  life  itself,  if  they 
choose  to  put  that  power  in  operation.  If,  at  any  time,  he  is  so  un- 
fortunate as  to  fall  under  their  suspicion,  to  be  taken  by  them  when 
they  have  resolved  themselves  into  an  angry  mob,  and  to  discover 
that  he  is  utterly  helpless  in  their  hands,  if  they  choose  to  deal  with 
him  by  the  methods  of  lynch  law,  he  then  realizes  that  his  liberty 
is  not  the  creature  of  his  own  will,  and  that  the  liberty  which  any 
man  actually  enjoys,  he  owes  to  the  common  feeling  and  common 
judgment  of  the  community  that  individual  liberty  is,  on  the  whole, 
a  good  thing  for  all. 

The  Laws  of  Liberty.  —  From  these  considerations  it  is 
obvious  that  the  character  of  all  social  organization,  in- 
cluding the  state,  and  the  specific  character  of  any  par- 
ticular social  organization  of  the  lesser  sort,  is  determined 
by  the  nature  and  development  of  the  social  mind. 

It  is  plain,  to  begin  with,  that  we  might  expect  to  see  far  more  in- 
tolerance of  individual  liberty,  far  more  coercion  in  general,  in  a 
community  whose  like-mindedness  is  of  the  sympathetic,  passionate, 
emotional  sort  than  in  one  in  which  intelligence  predominates.  We 
should  expect  also  to  see  a  much  higher  development  of  arbitrary 
authority  in  the  community  in  which  belief,  formal  like-mindedness, 
and  habits  of  conformity  predominate  over  discussion  and  rational 
public  opinion.  These  presuppositions  are  warranted  by  observation 
and  historical  induction. 

1.  The  First  Law  may  be  stated  as  follows  :  Social  or- 
ganization is  coercive  in  those  communities  in  whi(^  sympa- 
thetic and  formal  liJce-rjiindedness  strongly  predominate  over 
deliberative  like-mindedness.     Conversely,  social  institutions 


The  Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization  227 

are  liberal,  allowing  the  utmost  freedom  of  thought  and 
action  to  the  individual  only  in  those  communities  in  which 
there  is  a  high  development  of  deliberative  like-mindedness^ 

2.  A  Second  Law  is  of  not  less  importance.  A  com- 
munity may  be  extremely  heterogeneous  as  a  result  either 
of  conquest,  or  of  a  rapid  immigration  of  alien  elements. 
In  this  case,  like-mindedness  of  any  kind  may  be  very 
slight.  Under  these  circumstances  the  social  organiza- 
tion is  coercive. 

In  the  chapter  on  the  Consciousness  of  Kind  it  was  shown  that 
the  fear-inspiring  modes  of  impression  exist  chiefly  where  the  per- 
sonal elements  in  combination  are  much  unlike ;  and  that  familiarity 
and  resemblance  always  tend  to  diminish  fear.  In  heterogeneous 
communities  it  is  always  some  form  of  personal  leadership,  either 
that  which  grows  out  of  fear  or  that  which  grows  out  of  fascination, 
that  is  the  nucleus  of  organization.  Men  who  are  not  sympathetic, 
who  do  not  understand  each  other,  who  therefore  cannot  arrive  at 
intellectual  agreement,  obviously  cannot  cooperate  of  their  own  free 
initiative.  Their  cooperation  in  political,  industrial,  or  religious 
matters  is  possible  only  if,  in  their  inability  to  organize  themselves, 
a  leader  is  forthcoming  who  can  organize  them.  The  more  hetero- 
geneous they  are,  the  more  certainly  will  their  obedience  spring 
from  fear,  and  under  such  circumstances  the  more  certainly  will  the 
leader's  rule  be  coercive. 

This  principle  has  always  been  clearly  exemplified  in  ecclesiasti- 
cal polity.  That  most  democratic  of  organizations,  the  Congregational 
polity,  has  never  been  successful  in  a  heterogeneous  population, 
which  can  be  organized  only  in  an  authoritative  system.  In  like 
manner,  political  democracy  invariably  evolves  the  tyrant  or  the  boss, 
if  the  population  becomes  extremely  heterogeneous.  In  American 
cities,  the  old  forms  of  deliberative  government  have  broken  down 
with  the  influx  of  foreign  immigration;  and  we  have  adopted  the 
theory  that  cities  are  business  corporations  for  which  even  by-laws 
and  ordinances  should  be  made  by  state  legislatures,  and  in  which 
administration  should  be  the  one-man  power  of  an  elected  dictator. 
Without  the  highly  developed  consciousness  of  kind  of  a  relatively 
homogeneous  population  there  can  be  no  successful  experiment  of 
democracy. 


228  Inductive  Sociology 

Generalizing  these  facts,  it  appears  that  the  forms  of 
social  organization,  whether  political  or  other,  in  their 
relation  to  the  individual,  are  necessarily  coercive  if,  in 
their  membership,  there  is  great  diversity  of  kind  and 
great  inequality.  Conversely,  institutions  or  other  forms 
of  social  organization  can  he  liberal,  conceding  the  utmost 
freedom  to  the  individual,  if,  in  the  population,  there  is  fra- 
ternity, and,  bach  of  fraternity,  an  approximate  mental  and 
moral  equality'! 

The  facts  which  the  foregoing  laws  express  are  involved,  and 
they  always  complicate  or  modify  one  another.  Thus,  in  a  hetero- 
geneous community,  such  like-mindedness  as  exists  is  for  the  most 
part  of  the  sympathetic  kind ;  to  a  less  extent,  of  the  formal  kind ; 
and  least  of  all,  intellectual  or  deliberative.  This  is  because,  as  was 
pointed  out  in  the  chapters  on  the  Social  Mind,  men  differ  less  in 
feeling  than  in  intelligence ;  and  this  of  course  is  in  the  highest 
degree  true  of  individuals  of  differing  races  or  nationalities.  Men  of 
every  race  are  alike  subjects  of  sensation,  of  physical  pain,  and  of 
the  primary  emotions  of  fear,  hate,  and  affection;  while  compara- 
tively few  men  can  arrive  at  perfect  intellectual  agreement  upon 
complicated  problems  of  either  theoretical  or  practical  interest. 

Consequently,  in  the  heterogeneous  population,  not  only  does  the 
unlike-mindedness  there  existing  necessitate  coercive  forms  of  organ- 
ization in  the  manner  that  has  been  explained,  but  also  such  like- 
mindedness  as  there  is,  taking  the  sympathetic  and  conventional 
form,  creates  coercive  rather  than  liberal  types  of  organization. 

Efp^ciency  of  Organization 

Since  the  social  constitution  is  purposive  organization,  it 
must  be  studied  by  the  sociologist,  not  only  from  the 
standpoint  of  its  plan  or  system,  and  of  its  character,  as 
more  or  less  liberal,  but  also  from  the  standpoint  of  its 
efficiency  as  a  means  to  the  attainment  of  the  special  and 
general  ends  to  promote  which  it  exists. 

Organization  must  Benefit  the  Organized.  —  The  general 
condition  upon  which  the  efficiency  of  social  organization 


The  Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization  229 

depends,  by  implication  is  stated  when  it  is  said  that  any 
association  exists  for  the  protection  and  development  of 
the  lives  of  its  individual  members. 

Since  an  organization  depends  upon  the  loyal  and  earnest 
cooperation  of  its  members,  its  efficiency  depends  upon 
their  devotion  to  it.  Their  devotion,  in  turn,  depends 
upon  their  conviction  that,  in  the  long  run,  they  actually 
secure  the  benefits,  including  all  possible  pleasures  and 
utilities  of  association.  Patting  it  in  'briefer  terms,  we 
may  say  that,  to  be  efficient,  all  social  organizations  must 
be  regarded  by  the  organized  as  beneficial  to  themselves. 

Simple  and  obvious  as  this  truth  is,  no  principle  in  human  affairs 
is  more  frequently  forgotten,  and  no  principle  has  been  more  fre- 
quently neglected  in  governmental  policy. 

We  have  seen  that  nearly  every  social  organization  has  a  consti- 
tution of  some  kind ;  it  has  either  a  leader,  or  a  governing  council, 
or  administrative  bureaus,  which  directly  carry  on  its  activities,  sup- 
posedly for  the  benefit  of  the  general  membership.  The  individuals 
who  compose  these  inner  governing  circles  are  prone  to  forget  that 
they  are  the  servants  of  the  entire  association.  Busied  with  the 
detail  of  governmental  work,  they  easily  fall  into  the  habit  of  identi- 
fying themselves  with  the  interests  and  ends  of  the  association;  and 
then  they  easily  mistake  themselves  for  the  association,  and  forget 
the  interests  of  their  fellow-members.  Thus,  there  is  always  within 
an  association  a  tendency  to  make  it  exist,  not  for  the  benefit  of  its 
entire  membership,  but  for  the  benefit  of  its  governing  individuals. 

Even  where  this  tendency  is  held  in  subordination,  there  is  always 
danger  that  the  governing  circle  may  mistake  its  own  ideas  of  what 
is  politic,  just,  or  wise  in  administration  for  the  ideas  of  the  general 
membership,  and  so  create  divisions,  and  finally  disruption. 

Illustrations  of  these  truths  may  be  drawn  from  every  form  of 
social  organization.  They  have  been  most  conspicuously  demon- 
strated in  such  bodies  as  ecclesiastical  societies,  trade  unions,  busi- 
ness corporations,  and  political  parties.  All  history  could  be  written 
from  this  point  of  view. 

Moral  Qualities,  —  If,  then,  to  be  efficient,  social  organ- 
ization must  be  regarded  by  the  organized  as  obviously 


230  Inductive  Sociology 

beneficial  to  themselves,  it  furtlier  follows  that  efficiency 
depends  upon  the  existence  in  the  communitj^  of  so  much 
honesty,  imselfishness,  and  loyalty,  that  enough  men  can 
be  found  to  work  faithfully  and  unselfishly  for  the  general 
good,  sincerely  endeavouring  so  to  administer  the  affairs  of 
the  organization  that  employs  them,  or  of  the  government 
in  which  they  serve,  that  the  general  good  rather  than 
their  own  individual  interests  shall  ever  be  kept  in  view  as 
the  supreme  end. 

The  entire  social  organization  of  a  community  is  endangered  when 
public  office  ceases  to  be  a  public  trust,  when  votes  are  bought  and 
sold,  when  legislatures  are  bribed,  and  when  administrative  business 
is  deranged  and  corrupted  by  unworthy  means. 

Recognition  of  Expert  Knowledge.  —  The  efficiency  of 
social  organization  depends,  furthermore,  upon  a  general 
recognition  of  the  vital  importance  of  expert  knowledge. 

The  entire  social  constitution  is  an  expression  of  the  great  prin- 
ciple of  the  economic  advantage  of  a  division  of  labour.  Each  little 
association  has  for  its  special  function  the  performance  of  some 
specific  kind  of  social  work,  which  could  not  be  so  well  done  by  any 
other  group  of  men.  Obviously,  this  plan  can  be  fully  and  success- 
fully carried  out  only  if  the  division  of  labour  is  real,  and  not  merely 
nominal  or  a  pretence.  In  like  manner,  in  the  constitution  of  each 
larger  society  and  of  the  government,  each  particular  kind  of  work 
must  be  performed  by  those  who  have  a  special  aptitude  for  it,  if 
there  is  to  be  any  real  advantage  in  maintaining  a  highly  specialized 
social  constitution  at  all.  At  the  head  of  every  branch  of  affairs 
must  be  the  men  who  are  most  competent  to  deal  with  them. 

This  condition  of  things  can  be  secured  only  if  the  community 
has  some  comprehension  of  what  expert  knowledge  is,  and  is  deter- 
mined to  secure  it.  In  order  to  secure  it,  however,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  that  men  shall  be  appointed  to  office  solely  on  the  ground 
of  their  fitness  for  the  work  that  they  are  expected  to  do.  If  they 
are  appointed  because  they  are  personal  relatives  of  men  in  superior 
authority,  or  because,  as  political  workers,  they  have  helped  to  elect 
to  office  the  men  who  appoint  them,  or  because,  irrespective  of  any 


The   Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization  231 

abilities  that  they  possess,  they  have  long  been  devoted  to  some  par- 
ticular clique  or  party,  it  is  certain  that  the  efficiency  of  the  social 
organization  must  suffer. 

Demoralization  reaches  its  extreme  limit  when  the  practice  of 
appointment  to  office  for  other  reasons  than  fitness  for  the  work  to  be 
done  becomes  an  organized  system  of  distributing  offices  as  the  spoils 
of  victory  over  opponents  in  an  election.  The  movement  which 
is  popularly  known  as  civil  service  reform  is  the  protest  against  all 
such  methods  of  corrupting  the  public  service  in  the  interests  of  a 
party  or  a  governing  class.  It  is  an  organized  insistence  that  fitness, 
in  the  sense  of  expert  knowledge,  demonstrated  by  the  successful 
performance  of  duty  in  subordinate  positions,  shall  be  the  sole 
ground  of  advancement  to  positions  of  larger  responsibility. 


PAET   IV 

THE   SOCIAL  WELFARE 

CHAPTER   I 

The  Functioning  of  Society 

The  Ends  for  which  Society  Exists 

The  final  tests  of  the  efficiency  of  social  organization 
are  to  be  looked  for  in  the  results  which  organization 
brings  about  in  the  political  and  the  juristic,  the  economic, 
the  intellectual,  and  the  moral  life  of  the  community,  and 
especially  in  the  development  of  an  improving  type  of 
human  personality.  Throughout  the  foregoing  pages 
these  results  have  been  recognized  as  the  objects  of  col- 
lective desire,  for  the  attainment  of  which  social  relations 
and  activities  are  organized.  Collectively  they  make  up 
the  Social  Welfare.  The  social  welfare,  then,  is  the  sum 
of  the  ends  for  which  society  exists.  To  secure  and  to 
perfect  the  social  welfare  is  the  social  function. 

These  ends,  for  which  society  exists,  are  of  two  great 
classes,  the  proximate  and  the  ultimate. 

Proximate  Ends:  Public  Utilities.  —  The  immediate 
results  of  efficient  social  organization  are  certain  general 
conditions  of  well-being,  in  which  all  members  of  the  com- 
munity share  or  may  share  if  they  like,  and  which,  though 
external  to  the  individual  personality,  are  yet  necessary 
to  its  perfection  and  happiness.  They  include  the  security 
of  life  and  of  possessions,  which  is  maintained  by  the 
political  system;  the  liberty  and  the  justice,  which  are 
maintained  by  the^'legal  system ;  the  material  well-being, 

232 


The  Functioning  of  Society  233 

which  is  created  by  the^economic  system ;  the  knowledge 
and  the  command  over  nature,  which  are  created  by  the 
cultural  system.  These  proximate  ends  collectively  we 
may  call  Public  Utilities. 

Ultimate  Ends :  Social-Personality.  —  Public  utilities 
themselves,  however,  are  means  to  an  ultimate  end.  We 
value  them  and  strive  to  augment  them  because  they  serve 
the  individual  life.  Life  itself  is  the  ultimate  social  end, 
but  not  life  irrespective  of  form  or  quality.  It  is  life  in 
its  higher  developments,  especially  its  moral  and  intellec- 
tual developments,  that  society  creates  and  perfects.  It 
creates  the  higher  from  the  lower  types  by  multiplying 
helpful  variations,  and  subsequently  selecting  the  best 
results.  It  slowly  shapes  a  social  nature,  or  personality, 
adapted  to  social  cooperation  and  enjoyment.  This  Social- 
Personality —  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  social  man,  the 
highest  product  of  evolution  —  is  the  ultimate  end  of 
social  organization. 

Genetic  and  Functional  Order 

In  the  chapters  on  the  Social  Mind  the  genetic  order, 
in  which  the  practical  activities  are  evolved,  was  pre- 
sented. Appreciation  appears  first,  then  utilization,  then 
characterization,  and  finally  socialization.  Among  the 
generalizations  relating  to  the  social  constitution,  however, 
it  was  shown  that  the  political,  juristic,  and  economic 
activities  of  society  exist  in  a  functional  sense  for  the  sake 
of  the  cultural.  It  thus  appears  that  the  functional  order 
of  social  activity  and  organization  reverses  the  genetic. 
This  conclusion  we  may  expect  to  see  demonstrated  by 
further  inductive  study. 

Without  some  cultural  development  there  could  be  no  more  than 
an  organic  or  instinctive  economy,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  there 
would  be  no  need  of  more  than  an  organic  or  instinctive  economy 


234  IndiLctive  Sociology 

were  there  no  cultural  interests  to  be  served  by  higher  economic 
methods.  Without  a  somewhat  developed  economic  system  there 
could  be  no  juridical  organization,  and,  at  the  same  time,  no  juridi- 
cal organization  would  be  needed  were  there  no  economic  interests 
to  be  equitably  adjusted.  Without  a  cultural,  an  economic,  and  a 
juristic  system  there  could  be  no  political  organization,  and  there 
would  be  no  need  of  any  if  there  were  no  juristic,  economic,  and 
cultural  interests  to  be  defended  or  extended. 

Thus  far  our  analysis  has  followed  the  genetic  order.     In  the 
study  of  the  social  welfare  it  will  follow  the  functional  order.^ 

1  An  interesting  study  of  the  hierarchy  of  social  activity  and  organization 
will  be  found  in  De  Greef's  "Introduction  k  la  Sociologie,"  Premiere  partie. 


CHAPTER  II 

Public  Utilities 

Security 

First  among  all  the  results  of  social  activity  and  organ- 
ization must  be  named  Security.  In  the  order  of  genesis  a 
relatively  perfect  security  may  be  the  last  result  achieved ; 
but  in  the  functional  order  it  stands  at  the  beginning  of 
the  series.  That  there  may  be  prosperity  and  enlighten- 
ment there  must  be  not  only  security  of  life,  but  also 
security  of  territory  and  of  institutions.  There  must,  in 
short,  be  both  international  peace  and  domestic  peace  and 
order.  To  secure  and  to  maintain  these,  as  far  as  possible, 
is  the  supreme  function  of  the  political  system. 

This  statement,  so  far  from  being  in  contradiction  of  the 
account  given  in  the  chapters  on  the  Social  Mind  of  politi- 
cal activity  as  the  supreme  mode  of  socialization,  is  in 
reality  only  another  way  of  saying  the  same  thing. 

International  Peace.  —  Socialization  on  the  largest  scale 
has  been  effected  through  the  confederation  or  the  con- 
solidation of  small  communities  into  larger,  and  of  these 
ultimately  into  great  commonwealths,  nations,  or  empires. 

To  a  great  extent  this  integration  has  been  brought  about  through 
war.  Intertribal  or  international  peace  has  been  occasional  only. 
Yet,  with  each  larger  union  achieved,  the  proportion  of  peace  to  war 
has  been  increased.  Even  when  the  absolute  number  of  men  engaged 
in  war  and  the  absolute  area  overrun  by  military  forces  have  been 
enlarged,  the  relative  number  and  the  relative  area  have  decreased. 
On  the  whole,  security  from  invasion  and  the  operations  of  war  has 
increased  step  by  step  with  political  integration. 

285 


236  Inductive  Sociology 

Domestic  Peace  and  Order.  —  Socialization,  in  a  more 
intensive  degree,  has  consisted  in  the  assimilation  and 
amalgamation  of  differing  racial  elements  in  the  population 
of  the  same  nation  or  commonwealth.  This,  too,  as  we 
have  seen,  has,  to  a  great  extent,  been  accomplished  by 
political  activity,  taking  the  form  of  legislation  and  admin- 
istration. And  this  has  been,  on  the  whole,  the  chief 
means  of  maintaining  security  against  domestic  disorder. 

The  alternative  means  is  forcible  suppression  of  insurrection  or  of 
riot,  and  even  this  would  be  impossible  were  not  a  majority  of  the 
population  composed  of  those  individuals  sufficiently  socialized  to 
agree  in  purposes  and  in  actual  political  cooperation. 

Equity 

Next  to  security  in  functional  order,  and  as  an  element 
in  the  social  welfare,  is  Equity,  a  certain  compromise  and 
reconciliation  of  the  differing  interests  and  claims  of  the 
individuals,  the  racial  elements,  and  the  classes,  making 
up  the  social  population. 

As  security  is  a  result  and  expression  of  socialization,  so 
is  equity  a  result  and  expression  of  both  socialization  and 
characterization.  To  establish  and  to  maintain  it  is  the 
function  of  the  moral  and  juristic  organization  of  society. 

That  there  may  be  a  compromise  and  reconciliation  of 
interests,  there  must  be  a  limitation  of  liberty. 

We  have  seen  that  social  organization  is  liberal  if  the  social  popu- 
lation is  on  the  whole  homogeneous,  but  that  it  is  necessarily  coercive 
if  the  population  is  exceedingly  heterogeneous.  Liberty  then,  it  is 
clear,  presupposes  a  good  degree  of  mental  and  moral  homogeneity, 
and  of  sympathy  —  a  fact  which  is  popularly  expressed  by  the  word 
"  fraternity.^'  There  must  be  brotherhood  in  a  large  and  generous 
sense,  if  free  institutions  are  to  prevail. 

Liberty,  thus  conditioned,  is  essential  to  progress.  We  have  seen 
that  while  fundamental  unity,  a  general  homogeneity  of  type,  is  neces- 
sary to  social  integration  and  cohesion,  a  toleration  of  minor  differ- 


Fuhlic  Utilities  237 

ences   is   not   less   necessary  for   the   development  of  the  social 
constitution. 

And  yet  liberty,  entirely  unrestrained,  must  result  in  the  practical 
destruction  of  moral  brotherhood,  and  in  an  almost  chaotic  heteroge- 
neity. If  the  strong  and  the  clever  may  without  restraint  assail  the 
weak,  or  despoil  them  of  possessions,  or  deprive  them  of  any  liberty 
that  the  strong  themselves  enjoy,  the  population  is  soon  broken  up 
into  warring  factions ;  differing  interests  become  antagonistic  inter- 
ests. The  very  first  step,  then,  in  the  adjustment  of  differing  interests 
and  claims,  is  necessarily  some  restriction  of  the  liberty  of  the  strong 
to  curtail  the  liberty  of  the  weak.  And  unless  this  is  accomplished, 
liberty  itself  must  disappear  under  a  coercive  social  organization. 

In  principle  the  restriction  necessary  is  simple  and  clear, 
in  application  difficult. 

In  principle  liberty  must  not  destroy  or  limit  liberty,  except  to 
save  or  to  extend  liberty.  Those  who  enjoy  liberty  must  not  fetter 
or  enslave  themselves;  they  must  not  fetter  or  enslave  others. 
Practically,  however,  in  concrete  human  behaviour  those  who  have 
great  power  of  any  kind  seldom  refrain  from  using  it  in  endless  ways 
to  curtail  the  liberty  of  weaker  or  less  fortunate  men. 

Practically,  therefore,  in  actual  experience,  only  one  way 
has  been  found  to  restrain  liberty  from  destroying  liberty. 
Liberty  has  been  conserved  and  extended  only  by  establish- 
ing certain  modes  of  equality. 

Subjective  equality  is  impossible.  Mental  and  moral  equality  no 
more  exists  than  equality  of  physical  health  or  strength.  Equality 
of  objective  conditions  is  possible  to  any  extent  that  may  be  neces- 
sary or  desired.  And  an  approximation  to  such  equality  is  necessary 
in  a  society  that  would  make  continuing  progress  in  liberty,  pros- 
perity, and  enlightenment. 

Men  must  have  equal  political  rights,  or  those  who  have  more 
will  use  the  political  organization  to  destroy  the  liberty  of  those 
who  have  less.  In  like  manner  they  must  have  equal  juristic  rights, 
or  the  strong  and  the  clever  will  despoil,  or  perhaps  enslave,  the 
weak.  These  truths  have  long  been  recognized.  Agreement  has 
not  yet  been  reached  upon  the  question  whether  men  can  have  very 
unequal  material  possessions,  economic  opportunities,  and  cultural 


238  Inductive  Sociology 

advantages,  without  a  wholesale  destruction  of  the  liberties  of  the 
economically  weak  by  the  economically  strong,  with  a  consequent 
disruption  of  society  and  an  ultimate  overthrow  of  liberty.  In  all 
progressive  societies,  however,  we  discover  a  tendency  toward  a 
public  control  of  the  economic  system,  in  the  interest  of  a  greater 
equality  of  economic  opportunity,  and  a  tendency,  also,  toward  a 
complete  equality  of  cultural  advantages. 

Equity,  then,  as  a  mode  of  the  social  welfare,  is  the 
limitation  of  liberty  by  equality,  and  the  maintenance 
thereby  of  fraternity. 

Accordingly,  the  democratic  ideals  of  liberty,  equality, 
and  fraternity  are  not  incompatible,  as  has  often  been 
argued.^     On  the  contrary,  they  are  correlative. 

Liberty,  which  is  necessary  to  the  highest  development  of  the 
individual  personality  and  to  the  perfection  of  the  social  constitu- 
tion, cannot  exist  apart  from  moral  brotherhood  —  a  high  degree  of 
mental  and  moral  homogeneity.  Fraternity,  as  thus  defined  and 
understood,  necessary  alike  for  the  existence  of  liberty  and  for  the 
maintenance  of  social  harmony,  cannot  exist  apart  from  an  approxi- 
mate equality  of  those  objective  conditions  which  are  created  by  the 
public  activity  of  the  social  mind. 

Some  of  the  modes  of  equality  upon  which  fraternity  and  liberty 
depend,  and  which,  therefore,  must  sedulously  be  maintained  in  a 
democratic  community,  are  the  following :  — 

1.  Political  equality :  universal  and  equal  suffrage. 

2.  Equality  before  the  law:  neither  wealth,  nor  privilege,  nor 
vice,  nor  ignorance,  to  control  legislation  or  to  receive  consideration 
in  the  courts. 

3.  Equality  of  opportunity  to  serve  the  public  according  to  the 
measure  of  ability:  men  of  equal  ability  to  have  absolutely  equal 
chances  of  appointment  to  office  under  impartial  civil  service  rules, 
irrespective  of  party  service  or  allegiance. 

4.  Equality  of  rights  in  public  places  and  in  public  conveyances. 

5.  Equality  of  sanitary  conditions:  all  streets  to  be  equally 
cleaned  and  cared  for,  tenement  houses  to  be  made  decent  and 
wholesome. 

1  See  especially  Sir  James  Fitz- James  Stephen,  "  Liberty,  Equality,  and 
Fraternity." 


Public   Utilities  239 

6.  Equality  of  opportunity  to  enjoy  certain  means  of  recreation 
and  culture:  in  public  parks,  libraries,  museums,  and  galleries  of 
art. 

7.  Equality  of  elementary  educational  opportunities :  through  a 
well-administered  public  school  system. 

8.  Equality  of  fair  play:  especially  in  all  bargaining  between 
employer  and  employee,  and  in  the  relations  of  workingmen  to  one 
another. 

Concerning  these  modes  of  equality  there  is  a  substantial  theo- 
retical agreement  of  opinion  in  modern  societies.  Further  modes 
of  economic  equality,  the  necessity  or  desirability  of  which  is  still 
debated,  are:  — 

(1)  An  approximately  equal  distribution  of  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion :  by  a  progressive  taxation  of  the  rich,  or  by  a  substitution  of 
revenues  derived  from  franchises  and  natural  resources  for  the 
present  scheme  of  taxes  upon  real  estate  and  personal  property. 

(2)  Equal  ownership  of  the  surface  of  the  earth:  by  means  of 
public  title  in  all  land  and  water. 

(3)  Equal  ownership  of  a  major  part  of  productive  capital: 
through  public  title  in  the  larger  industrial  enterprises. 

Economy 

Third  in  the  functional  order  of  the  ends  for  which 
society  exists,  and  as  an  element  in  the  social  welfare, 
is  Economy,  —  the  sum  total  of  those  results  of  material 
well-being  which  it  is  the  function  of  the  industrial 
organization  of  society  to  yield.  These  results  are  natu- 
rally and  conveniently  studied  under  the  subdivisions, 
the  Increase  of  Wealth,  the  Apportionment  of  Wealth, 
and  the  evolution  of  Social-Economic  Classes. 

The  Increase  of  Wealth.  —  Perhaps  no  other  one  result 
of  a  highly  perfected  social  organization  is  so  conspicuous 
as  is  the  increase  of  wealth. 

Of  all  the  conditions  upon  which  the  growth  of  wealth  depends, 
probably  no  other  one  is  so  important  as  the  capacity  of  the  people 
to  organize  themselves  in  innumerable  forms  of  association  for 
carrying  on  industrial  and  commercial  activity.     Cooperation  and 


OF 


240  Indtictive  Sociology 

a  division  of  labour  can  transform  the  most  forbidding  elements 
into  prosperity.  Where  these  are  lacking,  no  wealth  of  natural 
resources,  no  accumulations  of  capital,  no  possession  of  ingenious 
machinery  will  enable  a  community  to  amass  riches,  or  even  to  live 
in  material  comfort. 

Nothing  can  be  more  pitiful  than  a  state  which  is  able  to  pur- 
chase improved  mechanisms  —  battleships  and  artillery,  for  exam- 
ple—  from  a  more  ingenious  nation  than  itself,  and  then  is  unable  to 
handle  them  to  advantage  because  of  a  total  incapacity  for  social 
organization  and  discipline.  Among  the  most  important  practical 
studies  that  could  be  made  in  sociology  would  be  one  to  ascertain 
the  relations  between  sociological  and  economic  poverty.  Whenever 
a  commonwealth,  whose  people  are  impoverished  and  burdened  with 
mortgages  and  other  debts,  is  observed  to  appeal  continually  to  its 
government  to  enact  laws  of  a  socialistic  nature,  or  to  undertake  in- 
dustrial and  commercial  enterprises  for  the  benefit  of  a  suffering 
population,  the  first  inquiry  made  should  ascertain  whether  that 
commonwealth  is  not  really  suffering  from  sociological  poverty, — 
from  a  certain  incapacity  or  lack  of  enterprise  to  organize  those 
varied  forms  of  voluntary  association  by  which,  in  other  communities, 
great  economic  activities  are  successfully  maintained. 

The  detailed  study  of  the  increase  of  wealth  belongs  to  the 
special  social  science  of  Political  Economy. 

The  increase  of  wealth  may  be  viewed  abstractly  or  con- 
cretely. 

In  the  abstract,  the  increase  of  wealth  is  measured  in 
terms  of  value  or  price. 

The  study  of  the  increase  of  wealth,  thus  abstractly  viewed,  with 
due  attention  to  the  laws  and  the  causes  of  increase,  constitutes  that 
division  of  political  economy  which  is  commonly  described  as  the 
study  of  the  Production  of  Wealth. 

In  the  concrete,  the  increase  of  wealth  assumes  the  form 
of  a  relatively  larger  production,  from  year  to  year,  of  par- 
ticular kinds  of  goods  or  specific  utilities. 

The  goods  produced  by  any  given  community  may  be  chiefly  raw 
materials,  or  chiefly  crude  manufactures,  or  chiefly  fine  manufac- 


Public  Utilities  241 

tures,  or  chiefly  artistic  products,  or  chiefly  the  utilities  of  knowl- 
edge, discovery,  scientific  achievement,  and  professional  service. 

A  proper  development  of  that  division  of  political  economy  which 
is  commonly  described  as  a  study  of  the  Consumption  of  Wealth, 
would  become  a  study  of  the  increase  of  wealth  in  the  concrete.  The 
consumption  of  wealth  is  nothing  else  than  a  direction  of  wealth  in 
the  abstract  into  particular  channels  of  concrete  production.  It  is 
the  ceaseless  reproduction  of  wealth  in  concrete  forms  as  distin- 
guished from  its  abstract  amount. 

The  Apportionment  of  Wealth.  —  If  the  total  wealth  of 
a  community  is  more  than  sufficient  to  meet  its  more 
urgent  wants,  the  social  welfare  is  more  vitally  affected  by 
the  apportionment  of  wealth  than  by  its  further  increase. 
An  apportionment  that  concentrates  enormous  riches  in 
the  hands  of  a  few  owners,  while  leaving  the  many  in 
relative  or  absolute  poverty,  is  a  condition  that  may  fatally 
strain  the  social  cohesion,  and  in  any  case  will  prevent 
that  growth  of  mental  and  moral  homogeneity  upon  which 
a  normal  social  evolution  depends. 

The  apportionment  of  wealth,  like  its  increase,  may  be 
viewed  abstractly  or  concretely. 

In  the  abstract,  the  apportionment  of  wealth  is  a  distri- 
bution, among  those  who  have  produced  it,  of  shares  theo- 
retically equivalent  to  their  contribution  to  the  total 
product. 

In  any  highly  organized  industrial  society  the  division  of  labour 
is  exceedingly  complex.  The  final  product  is  a  result  of  the  cooper- 
ation of  many  specialists,  and  of  entire  classes,  whose  business  func- 
tions are  different,  but  correlated.  To  these  cooperating  classes  and 
individuals  the  processes  of  buying  or  selling  materials  and  labour,  of 
renting  land,  and  of  loaning  capital,  convey  certain  shares  in  the 
total  value  produced.  These  shares,  variously  known  as  profits, 
salaries,  wages,  interest,  and  rent,  constitute  the  incomes  of  the 
producers. 

The  study  of  the  apportionment  of  wealth,  thus  abstractly  con- 
ceived, and  with  due  attention  to  the  laws  to  which  it  conforms, 


242  Inductive  Sociology 

constitutes  that  division  of  political  economy  familiarly  known  as 
the  study  of  the  Distribution  of  Wealth. 

In  the  concrete,  the  apportionment  of  wealth  through- 
out the  community  takes  the  form  of  a  more  or  less  un- 
equal distribution  of  property, — which  is  a  result  in  part 
of  unequal  incomes,  in  part  of  an  unequal  saving  from 
equal  incomes,  —  and  of  a  more  or  less  unequal  ownership 
or  enjoyment  of  the  specific  forms  of  wealth.  Most 
important  as  a  factor  in  the  social  welfare  is  the  distribu- 
tion of  such  vitally  concrete  forms  of  wealth  as  good 
housing,  good  sanitary  arrangements,  water,  light,  air, 
and  open  spaces. 

The  study  of  the  apportionment  of  wealth  in  the  concrete  has  not 
been  included  in  political  economy  as  usually  presented.  Increasing 
attention,  however,  has  been  given  to  this  subject,  and  it  has  taken 
to  itself  the  name  Social  Economy. 

The  Social- Economic  Classes. — The  division  of  labour 
in  the  production  of  wealth,  and  the  unequal  distribution 
of  wealth,  together  result  in  a  segregation  of  the  social 
population  into  social-economic  classes. 

A  few  generations  ago,  in  European  countries,  the  social- 
economic  classes  were  known  as  Gentlemen,  Tradesmen, 
Farmers,  and  Labourers. 

The  class  of  gentlemen  included  the  royal  family  and  the  nobility, 
knights,  esquires,  and  all  large  landowners,  officers  of  the  army  and 
navy,  the  clergy,  lawyers,  professors  in  the  universities,  and  others 
devoted  to  the  liberal  arts  and  sciences,  and  occasional  merchants 
who  devoted  their  incomes  freely  to  the  interests  of  the  king.  The 
class  of  tradesmen  included  all  the  lesser  business  men,  and  the  class 
of  farmers  included  many  of  the  lesser  landowners,  as  well  as  those 
who  cultivated  rented  land  as  tenants.^ 

1  A  most  interesting  description  of  the  social-economic  classes  in  England  in 
1577, by  William  Harrison,  is  preserved  in  Holinshed's  "Chronicle"  and  may- 
be found  in  Hart's  "American  History  Told  by  Contemporaries, "  Vol.  I,  pp. 
145-148. 


Public   Utilities  243 

In  democratic  communities  the  distinction  between  gen- 
tlemen and  other  social-economic  classes  is  intensely  dis- 
liked by  the  body  of  the  people,  but,  by  whatever  name 
they  may  be  called,  the  classes  exist. 

In  the  United  States  a  well-to-do  and  influential  social -economic 
class  includes,  as  did  the  class  of  gentlemen  in  England  in  Harrison's 
day,  the  more  successful  politicians  and  officers  of  state,  successful 
professional  men,  and  the  business  men  who  conduct  large  under- 
takings. The  distinction  between  the  class  thus  constituted  and  the 
smaller  tradesmen  has,  in  recent  years,  in  all  the  larger  cities,  become 
as  sharp  as  that  between  the  tradesmen  and  the  workers  for  wages. 

These  distinctions,  founded  perhaps  in  inevitable  differ- 
entiations of  a  prosperous  population,  are  inimical  to  that 
perfect  fraternity  upon  which  the  highest  social  evolution 
and  resulting  social  welfare  depend. 

The  incidental  evil  can  be  counteracted  in  one  way  only.  In  the 
older  days  the  class  of  gentlemen  and  ladies  was  distinguished,  not 
more  for  its  superior  economic  and  social  position,  than  for  the  quality 
of  its  manners.  To  a  very  great  extent  it  is  possible  for  all  classes 
in  modern  democracies  to  cultivate  the  gracious  manners  that  once 
were  characteristic  of  the  gentle  born.  It  is  possible  for  all  men 
and  women,  irrespective  of  their  position  in  the  industrial  system,  to 
treat  all  humanity  with  an  equality  of  courtesy.  To  further  this 
equal  cultivation  of  gracious  behaviour  by  all  social-economic  classes 
is  a  chief  function  of  such  institutions  as  the  various  social  settle- 
ments. 

Culture 

Fourth  in  the  functional  order  of  social  ends,  and  as  an 
element  in  the  social  welfare,  is  Culture,  that  product  of 
the  fundamental  activities  of  conscious  beings  for  the  sake 
of  which  the  political,  the  juristic,  and  the  economic  activ- 
ities of  society  are  maintained,  and  which,  in  its  own  turn, 
ministers  directly  to  the  higher  development  of  self-con- 
scious life. 


244  'Inductive  Sociology 

Culture  may  best  be  objectively  studied  under  the  sub- 
divisions, Education  and  the  Diminution  of  Fear. 

Education, — Education  consists  of  acquired  knowledge 
and  of  approved  methods  of  teaching,  learning,  research, 
and  discovery.  Education  is  the  sum  total  of  the  objective 
intellectual  results  of  social  activity  and  organization,  as 
distinguished  from  that  intellectual  capacity  and  ability  of 
individual  minds  which  is  a  purely  subjective  fact. 

Little  need  here  be  said  either  of  the  importance  of  education  as  a 
social  phenomenon,  or  of  the  methods  to  be  followed  in  an  inductive 
study  of  the  educational  development  of  any  community.  The  im- 
portance is  too  obvious  to  call  for  discussion,  for  exact  scientific 
knowledge  is  man's  most  priceless  possession.  It  gives  him  his  con- 
trol over  nature,  and  command  of  himself.  The  methods  of  studying 
educational  development  are  extremely  simple,  inasmuch  as  every 
modern  nation  publishes  fairly  complete  and  detailed  educational 
statistics. 

The  divisions,  however,  under  which  the  statistical  study  of  edu- 
cational developments  should  be  distributed  may  be  named.  They 
are :  1.  Laboratories,  Libraries,  and  Circulation  of  Books.  2.  Uni- 
versity and  Professional  Education.  3.  College  Education.  4.  High 
School  Education.  5.  Grammar  School  Education.  6.  Primary 
School  Education.  7.  Illiteracy.  These  divisions  indicate  the  high 
differentiation  and  specialization  to  which  education  has  been  carried 
in  modern  times. 

The  Diminution  of  Fear.  —  The  cultural  results  which 
flow  from  an  efficient  social  organization  are  not  all 
summed  up,  however,  in  knowledge  and  in  educational 
methods.  Security,  prosperity,  and  knowledge  work  pro- 
found changes  in  that  emotional  nature  which  finds  ex- 
pression in  aesthetic  and  religious  activity.  An  objective 
aspect  of  these  changes  is  a  diminution  of  fear  in  the  social 
population. 

When  men  live  in  isolation,  cut  off  from  the  cooperation  of  their 
fellows,  they  are  relatively  helpless,  not  only  in  their  relation  to 


Public  Utilities  245 

enemies  of  their  own  species,  but  even  more  in  their  relation  to  the 
physical  elements.  Against  fire  and  flood  and  tempest  and  famine 
the  individual  man  has  little  power. 

The  isolated  man  is  also  inevitably  the  victim  of  ignorance  and  of 
superstition.  The  knowledge  that  the  single  individual  can  acquire 
in  his  short  lifetime  is  infinitesimal  as  measured  by  the  limitless 
domain  of  nature  and  of  history — the  totality  of  things  to  be  known. 
Only  as  his  own  discoveries  can  be  supplemented  by  communicated 
knowledge,  obtained  by  his  fellow-beings,  can  he  have  any  real  com- 
mand over  nature  and  life. 

As  a  helpless  creature  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  man  is  almost 
wholly  a  creature  of  emotion,  and  his  dominant  emotion  is  fear. 
Consequently,  as  we  have  seen,  populations  in  which  there  is  no 
systematic  communication,  no  continual  exchange  of  knowledge,  and 
no  discussion  of  principles,  are  subject  to  impulsive  social  action. 
They  seldom  exhibit  a  calm  and  firm  restraint  of  passion.  They 
know  little  of  that  deliberately  planned  conduct  which  is  a  product 
of  the  critical  intelligence. 

An  efiicient  social  organization  transforms  these  conditions.  Dis- 
ciplined cooperation  establishes  security ;  systematic  communication 
diffuses  knowledge  and  stimulates  critical  inquiry.  Knowledge  and 
investigation  give  command  over  natural  forces.  Those  nations  in 
which  social  organization  is  highly  developed,  are  emancipated  from 
superstition  and  from  fear ;  they  are  able  to  rise  superior  to  emotion 
and  impulse;  they  believe  in  scientific  investigation;  they  have 
habits  of  calm  and  disciplined  action. 

Table  I.  —  International  Peace 

A  1.   Number  of  Wars  Experienced. 

A  2.   Duration  of  Wars,  Years. 

A  3.   Number  of  Men  engaged  in  Each. 

A  4.   Total  Losses  of  Men  in  Each. 

A  5.   Estimated  Cost  of  Each. 

These  columns  can  be  indefinitely  subdivided  to  show  distributions  by  geo- 
graphical sections,  nationalities,  religions,  and  occupations. 

Table  II.  —  Domestic  Peace  and  Order 

A  1.  Number  of  Insurrections  and  Riots  Experienced. 

A  2.  Duration  in  Days,  Months,  or  Years. 

A  3.  Number  of  Men  engaged  in  Each. 

A  4.  Estimated  Cost  of  Each. 


246  Inductive  Sociology 

Table  III.  —  Liberty 

Y  1.  Survivals  of  Chattel  Slavery  ? 

Y  2.  Survivals  of  Serfdom  ? 

Y  3.  Constitutional  or  Legal  Restrictions  of  Religious  Liberty  ? 

Y  4.  Numerous  Restrictions  of  Individual  Liberty  by  Moral  and 

Sumptuary  Legislation  ? 

Table  IV.  —  Equality 

Universal  Suffrage,  Men  ? 
Universal  Suffrage,  Women? 
Partial  Suffrage,  Women  ? 
Legal  Equality? 
Equality  of  Property  ? 

Constitutional  or  Legal  Restrictions  of  Inequality  of  Prop- 
erty? 

Y  7.   Limitation  of  Economic  Inequality  by  the  Scheme  of  Taxa- 

tion, or  Other  Means  of  Public  Revenue  ? 
Increasing  Public  Ownership  of  Land  ? 
Increasing  Public  Ownership  of  Industrial  Enterprises  ? 
Common  School  Privileges  freely  Open  to  All  ? 
Higher  Educational  Advantages  freely  Open  to  All  ? 

Table    V.  —  The    Increase    of    Wealth    in    Last    Ten-year 

Period 

Total  Increase  of  Values. 

Increase  in  Value  of  Raw  Materials. 

Increase  in  Value  of  Manufactures  Primarily  Utilitarian. 

Increase  in  Value  of  Manufactures  Primarily  Artistic. 


Y 

1. 

Y 

2. 

Y 

3. 

Y 

4. 

Y 

5. 

Y 

6. 

Y 

8. 

Y 

9. 

Y 

10. 

Y 

11. 

A  1 

A  2 

A  3 

A  4 

A  5 

A  6 

A  1 

A  2 

A  ,3 

A  4 

A  5, 

A  6, 


Increase 


in  Value  of  Professional  Services. 


Increase  in  Value  of  Personal  Services. 

Table  VI.  —  The  Apportionment  op  Wealth 

Total  Annual  Profits. 
Total  Annual  Interest. 
Total  Annual  Rents. 
Total  Annual  Salaries. 
Total  Annual  Wages. 
Total  Property. 


Public   Utilities  247 

A     7.   Number  of  Individuals   estimated  Worth  More  than  One 

Hundred  Million  Dollars. 
A     8.   Number  of  Individuals  estimated  Worth  Fifty  Million  Dol- 
lars, and  Less  than  One  Hundred  Million. 
A     9.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  Twenty-five  Million 

Dollars,  and  Less  than  Fifty  Million. 
A  10.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Ten  Mill- 
ion Dollars,  and  Less  than  Twenty-five. 
A  11.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Five  Mill- 
ion Dollars,  and  Less  than  Ten. 
A  12.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  One  Million 

Dollars,  and  Less  than  Five. 
A  13.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Five  Hun- 
dred Thousand  Dollars,  and  Less  than  One  Million. 
A  14.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  One  Hundred 
Thousand  Dollars,  and  Less  than  Five  Hundred  Thousand. 
A  15.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Fifty  Thou- 
sand Dollars,  and  Less  than  One  Hundred  Thousand. 
A   16.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Twenty-five 

Thousand  Dollars,  and  Less  than  Fifty  Thousand. 
A  17.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Ten  Thou- 
sand Dollars,  and  Less  than  Twenty-five  Thousand. 
A  18.   Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  Five  Thou- 
sand Dollars,  and  Less  than  Ten  Thousand. 
A  19.  Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  More  than  One  Thou- 
sand Dollars,  and  Less  than  Five  Thousand. 
A  20.  Number  of  Persons  estimated  Worth  Less  than  One  Thou- 
sand Dollars. 
Number  of  Incomes  Less  than  One  Thousand  Dollars. 
Annual  Expenditure  on  Housings. 
Annual  Expenditure  on  Housings  of  Wage-earners. 
Annual  Expenditure  on  Sanitation. 

Annual  Expenditure  on  Sanitation  directly  affecting  Wage- 
earning  Classes. 
Annual  Expenditure  for  Water. 
Annual  Expenditure  for  Light. 
Annual  Expenditure  for  Parks  and  Open  Spaces. 

Table  VII.  —  The  Social-Economic  Classes 

Number  of  Professional  Men  and  Women. 
2.   Number  of  Wealthy  Business  Men. 


A 

21. 

A 

22. 

A 

23. 

A 

24. 

A 

25. 

A 

26. 

A 

27. 

A 

28. 

A 

1. 

A 

2. 

248  Inductive  Sociology 

Number  of  Not  Wealthy  Tradesmen. 
Number  of  Farmers. 
Number  of  Mechanics. 
Number  of  Labourers. 

Table  VIII.  —  Education 

Number  of  Scientific  Laboratories. 

Value  of  Scientific  Laboratories. 

Number  of  Libraries. 

Value  of  Libraries. 

Number  of  Volumes. 

Total  Annual  Circulation  of  Books. 
7.   Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  University  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  University  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  Professional  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  Professional  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  College  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  College  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  High  School  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  High  School  Education. 

Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  Grammar  School  Edu- 
cation. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  Grammar  School  Education. 
17.   Number  of  Persons  who  have  had  a  Primary  School  Educa- 
tion. 

Number  of  Persons  now  taking  a  Primary  School  Education. 

Total  Number  of  Illiterates. 

Most  of  the  information  called  for  in  the  foregoing  tables  can  be  obtained 
from  the  statistical  publications  of  government  departments.  Data  for  approxi- 
mate estimations  of  the  distribution  of  wealth,  and  for  the  classification  of  the 
commercial  population  into  wealthy  business  men,  and  not  wealthy  tradesmen, 
is  contained  in  the  directories  issued  by  credit  agencies. 


A 

3. 

A 

4. 

A 

5. 

A 

6. 

A 

1. 

A 

2. 

A 

3. 

A 

4. 

A 

5. 

A 

6. 

A 

7. 

A 

8. 

A 

9. 

A 

10. 

A 

11. 

A 

12. 

A 

13. 

A 

14. 

A 

15. 

A 

16. 

A 

17. 

A 

18. 

A 

19. 

CHAPTER  III 

The  Social  Personality 
Final  Results 

The  supreme  result  of  efficient  social  organization  and 
the  supreme  test  of  efficiency  is  the  development  of  the 
personality  of  the  social  man.  If  the  man  himself  be- 
comes less  social,  less  rational,  less  manly ;  if  he  falls  from 
the  highest  type,  which  seeks  self-realization  through  a 
critical  intelligence  and  emotional  control,  to  one  of  those 
lower  types  that  manifest  only  the  primitive  virtues  of 
power ;  if  he  becomes  unsocial,  —  the  social  organization, 
whatever  its  apparent  merits,  is  failing  to  achieve  its  su- 
preme object.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  man  is  becoming 
ever  better  as  a  human  being,  more  rational,  more  sym- 
pathetic, with  an  ever-broadening  consciousness  of  kind,  — 
then,  whatever  its  apparent  defects,  the  social  organization 
is  sound  and  efficient. 

Analysis  of  Personality 

From  the  earliest  times  the  human  personality  has  been 
analyzed  into  certain  phases,  or  groups  of  phenomena. 
The  facts  of  mental  life  have  been  discriminated  from 
those  of  the  merely  physiological  life.  Within  the  realm 
of  mental  life  moral  qualities  and  activities  have  been  dis- 
tinguished from  the  totality  of  ideas,  emotions,  and  volitions 
as  a  peculiarly  important  part  of  the  whole.     And,  finally, 

249 


260  Inductive  Sociology 

within  the  realm  of  moral  phenomena,  the  social  ideas, 
feelings,  and  volitions  have  been  marked  off  as  a  part  of 
yet  greater  practical  importance.  There  is  good  scientific 
ground  for  these  old  and  familiar  distinctions.  Mental 
life  is  in  a  certain  sense  a  function  of  physical  life  and  is 
conditioned  by  it.  Moral  ideas  and  activities  are  a  differ- 
entiated part  of  the  mental  life,  and  social  ideas  and 
activities  are  a  differentiated  part  of  moral  phenomena. 
We  therefore  may  accept  this  analysis  as  far  as  it  goes, 
and  give  precise  names  to  the  four  groups  of  phenomena 
which  it  recognizes.  We  shall  designate  them  respectively 
as  Vitality,  Mentality,  Morality,  and  Sociality. 

In  all  these  phenomena  the  functioning  of  society  works 
changes  which  must  now  be  further  examined.  The  nor- 
mal result  of  the  changes  is  the  evolution  of  a  harmonious 
social  nature. 

Vitality,  —  The  phenomena  of  vitality  include  the  degree 
of  bodily  vigour  enjoyed  by  the  individual,  including  his 
brain  power,  the  longevity  of  the  population,  and  its  rate 
of  reproduction.  No  exact  statistical  measurements  of 
bodily  vigour  exist.  Indirect  measurements  are  found  in 
statistics  of  weight,  height,  girth,  and  muscular  force,  and 
in  statistics  of  sickness.  The  other  phenomena  of  vitality 
are  measured  by  statistics  of  birth  rates  and  death  rates. 

Vitality  in  all  its  phases  is  directly  and  profoundly  af- 
fected by  association.  Security,  prosperity,  and  culture 
act  upon  birth  rates,  death  rates,  and  bodily  vigour  in 
ways  that  have  been  closely  studied  in  large  and  varied 
collections  of  statistical  data. 

The  general  conclusion  from  these  data  may  be  summed 
up  in  the  statement  that  social  evolution  tends  to  dimin- 
ish the  birth  rate,  to  prolong  individual  life,  and  to  in- 
crease the  higher  forms  of  bodily  power,  especially  brain 
power. 


The  Social  Personality  251 

Vitality  Classes.  — The  inherited  inequalities  of  vitality 
to  be  observed  in  any  social  population  are  multiplied  by 
the  unequal  effects  produced  by  association. 

By  no  possibility  can  it  happen  that  all  can  share  so  equally  in 
the  benefits  of  economic  cooperation  that  all  shall  obtain  equally 
good  nourishment.  Even  if  a  socialistic  communism  were  estab- 
lished, and  a  sincere  attempt  to  distribute  wealth  equally  among  all 
were  in  good  faith  carried  out  as  far  as  possible,  equality  of  nutrition 
could  not  in  fact  be  maintained.  It  would  happen  that  some  sup- 
plies of  food  materials  would  be  better  than  others ;  that  the  sanitary 
condition  of  some  houses  and  streets,  notwithstanding  the  attempt 
to  make  them  all  alike,  would,  in  fact,  on  account  of  greater  difficulties 
to  be  overcome,  be  always  inferior  to  others ;  and  that  these  differ- 
ences, combined  with  differences  of  bodily  constitution  at  birth,  would 
make  great  differences  of  vitality  in  adult  life,  just  as  they  do  now. 

Even  among  these  differences,  however,  resemblances 
may  be  noticed,  and  they  may  therefore  be  grouped  in 
classes  or  kinds. 

The  primary  distribution  of  the  population  according  to 
vitality  is  into  Normal  Persons  and  Defectives. 

1.  The  Physically  Normal.  —  That  part  of  the  popula- 
tion which  is  of  physically  normal  constitution  and  power 
is  further  distributed  into  three  vitality  classes,  which  may 
be  designated  as  the  High,  the  Medium,  and  the  Low. 

(1)  The  High  Vitality  Class  is  composed  of  those  indi- 
viduals who  have  a  high  birth  rate,  a  low  death  rate,  and 
a  high  degree  of  bodily  vigour  and  mental  power. 

The  high  vitality  class  roughly  corresponds  to  the  better  sort  of 
farmers, — that  part  of  the  rural  population  which  is  well-to-do,  and 
both  owns  and  tills  the  land  that  it  occupies.  It  is  this  population 
that  chiefly  maintains  the  physical  vigour  and  that  insures  the 
growth  of  the  community.  It  is  this  population  that  is  continually 
sending  vigorous,  energetic,  and  resourceful  men  to  the  towns  and 
cities  to  engage  there  in  business  occupations  a'nd  the  learned  pro- 
fessions. The  high  vitality  class  includes  also  large  numbers  of 
individuals  living  in  towns  and  cities  and  engaged  in  business  or 


252  Inductive  Sociology 

professional  life,  or  employed  as  mechanics  or  even  as  labourers. 
But  all  these  together  make  up  only  a  minority  of  the  high  vitality 
class.  The  great  bulk  of  the  class  is  found  in  the  rural  and  land- 
owning parts  of  the  population. 

(2)  The  Medium  Vitality  Class  is  composed  of  those  in- 
dividuals in  the  population  who  have  a  fair  degree  of  bod- 
ily vigour,  an  unusually  high  degree  of  mental  vigour,  — 
the  result  of  an  especially  fine  development  of  the  brain 
and  nervous  system,  —  a  rather  low  death  rate,  and  a  low 
birth  rate. 

The  medium  vitality  class  roughly  corresponds  to  the  business 
and  professional  men  of  the  large  towns  and  great  cities.  These 
men  are  continually  engaged  in  exhausting  brain  activity,  and,  as  a 
rule,  their  families  increase  slowly  notwithstanding  their  low  death 
rate,  which  is  kept  down  by  intelligent  attention  to  sanitary  condi- 
tions and  to  hygienic  living. 

(3)  The  Low  Vitality  Class  is  composed  of  those  individ- 
uals in  the  population  who,  while  they  msij  and  usually 
do  have  a  high  birth  rate,  have  also  an  extraordinarily 
high  death  rate,  a  low  degree  of  bodily  vigour,  and  only  a 
low  degree  of  mental  power. 

The  low  vitality  class  roughly  corresponds  to  the  ignorant,  un- 
cleanly, shiftless,  and  thriftless  part  of  the  rural  population,  and  to 
the  ignorant  and  uncleanly  part  of  the  slum  population  of  the  cities.^ 

2.  The  Defective,  —  That  part  of  the  social  population 
which  is  defective  only  or  chiefly  in  body,  as  distinguished 
from  the  mentally  defective,  to  be  mentioned  later  on,  in- 
cludes (1)  the  blind,  (2)  the  deaf  and  dumb,  and  (3)  the 
congenitally  deformed. 

These  classes  are  usually  enumerated  in  census  reports  as  well  as 
in  the  official  vital  statistics  of  cities  and  commonwealths. 

1  On  this  question  of  the  distribution  of  vitality  classes  see  Hansen's  note- 
worthy work,  "Die  drei  Bevolkerungsstufen,"  and  in  the  statistical  journals  a 
considerable  literature  of  criticism  and  rejoinder.  See  also  Weber,  "The 
Growth  of  Cities  in  the  Nineteenth  Century." 


The  Social  Personality  253 

Mentality,  —  The  plienomena  of  mentality  as  affected 
by  association  include  both  the  higher  intellectual,  and  the 
more  complex  emotional,  developments. 

Among  the  higher  intellectual  powers  are  always  in- 
cluded the  powers  of  persistent  attention  and  of  generali- 
zation. These  mental  attainments  the  individual  owes 
chiefly  to  association  wdth  his  fellow-men. 

Power  of  attention  is  acquired  through  those  experiences 
of  association  which  fix  attention  for  long  periods  together 
upon  the  same  fact,  such  as  an  interesting  event,  a  com- 
mon danger,  or  an  exciting  strife.  These  experiences 
gradually  strengthen  attention,  until  it  can  be  sustained 
under  less  stimulating  circumstances  also. 

The  power  of  abstract  thought,  including  generalization, 
presupposes  a  perception  of  uniformity.  Such  perception 
grows  out  of  the  habit  of  noticing  resemblances,  and  thou- 
sands of  observations  of  resemblance  must  be  accumulated 
before  those  uniformities  that  are  the  basis  of  science  can 
be  discovered.  Such  accumulations  cannot  be  made  by 
any  one  man,  or  even  by  any  one  generation.  Generali- 
zation, then,  and  the  abstract  thought  of  science,  are  possi- 
ble only  in  society.  They  depend  upon  the  influence  of 
one  mind  upon  another,  upon  communication  and  cooper- 
ation. 

Not  only  is  this  true,  but  also  the  scientific  habit  of 
mind  itself,  the  love  of  scientific  occupation,  is  produced 
chiefly  by  the  influence  of  one  mind  upon  another;  it  is 
produced  by  example,  by  suggestion,  by  direct  teaching, 
by  sympathy,  and  by  the  love  of  approbation. 

Originality  of  thought  also,  is  a  product  of  social  rela- 
tions. Original  thought  is  possible  only  when  one's 
beliefs  admit  of  modification.  Traditional  beliefs  are  mod- 
ified by  those  new  and  varied  experiences  which  afford  us 
new  points  of  view  and  discoveries  of  facts  not  before 


"254  Inductive  Sociology 

known  by  mankind.  But  these  varied  experiences,  in 
their  turn,  we  owe  chiefly  to  association  with  our  fellow- 
men. 

The  continual  movement  of  population,  in  emigration,  in  travel, 
in  exploration,  colonization,  war,  and  conquest,  are  the  means  by 
which  the  mental  horizon  of  humanity  is  widened,  by  which  old  be- 
liefs are  subjected  to  new  criticism,  and  new  beliefs  are  established 
as  a  result  of  fuller  experience. 

The  power  to  combine  clear  perceptions  and  abstract 
reasoning  in  sound  practical  judgments  upon  the  impor- 
tant affairs  of  everyday  life,  is  altogether  a  social  result. 
Practical  judgments  must  always  keep  touch  with  the 
average  thought  of  the  community. 

If,  on  the  whole,  the  individual's  opinions  on  concrete  matters 
are  in  agreement  with  those  of  his  fellow-men,  and  with  the  results 
of  the  common  experience  of  those  who  compose  the  social  group, 
we  say  that  he  is  a  man  of  good  or  sound  judgment.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  his  views  are  very  unlike  those  of  men  in  general,  he  at 
once  becomes  an  object  of  curiosity  or  of  suspicion.  If,  for  any 
reason,  the  community  suspects  that  his  notions  are  superior  to 
those  of  the  average  man,  he  is  regarded  with  a  certain  degree 
of  respect,  or  even  of  veneration.  This,  however,  cannot  happen 
unless,  from  time  to  time,  his  novel  opinions  turn  out  to  be  right,  as 
demonstrated  by  some  practical  test.  In  the  long  run,  experience 
is  accepted  by  communities  as  the  test  of  good  judgment.  If  the 
individual's  judgments,  differing  from  those  of  the  average  man's, 
prove  in  experience  to  be  bad,  that  is,  if  they  often  bring  him  and 
others  into  needless  trouble  or  ridicule,  he  is  tabooed  as  a  crank  or 
dangerous  person,  more  or  less  unfit  for  cooperation  with  his  fellow- 
men  in  any  practical  matter. 

A  complex  emotional  development  is  almost  wholly 
determined  by  association  and  the  social  system. 

The  relations  of  cause  and  effect  are  here  so  obvious  as  to  be  a 
matter  of  the  most  familiar  knowledge.  Fear,  courage  and  forti- 
tude, cheerfulness  and  moroseness,  anger  and  good  nature,  love, 
jealousy  and  hate,  increase  or  decrease  under  changing  conditions  of 


The  Social  Personality  255 

association  with  mercurial  swiftness   and  delicacy,   impossible   of 
measurement. 

The  problem  of  chief  scientific  importance  growing  out  of  the 
relations  of  emotion  to  association  is  that  of  normal  emotional 
stability.     This  problem  admits  of  statistical  investigation. 

Mentality  Classes.  —  The  inherited  inequalities  of  men- 
tal development,  like  the  inherited  inequalities  of  vitality, 
are  multiplied  by  the  unequal  effects  produced  by  asso- 
ciation. 

No  attempt  to  distribute  equally  the  mental  benefits  of  associa- 
tion through  free  education,  free  libraries,  museums,  and  schools  of 
art  can  perfectly  succeed.  Some  teachers  are  better  than  others, 
and  their  pupils  gain  an  advantage  over  pupils  that  are  badly 
instructed.  Some  readers,  from  their  earliest  days,  fall  in  with  good 
books  and  good  advice,  and  store  their  minds  with  useful  knowledge 
and  their  imaginations  with  forms  of  beauty ;  while  others  have  the 
ill  fortune  to  acquire  early  a  taste  for  reading  that  makes  them 
hopelessly  commonplace. 

But  as  among  the  inequalities  of  vitality,  so  among  the 
inequalities  of  mentality,  there  are  resemblances  and 
groupings,  and,  consequently,  mentality  classes. 

The  primary  distribution  of  the  population  according 
to  mentality  is  into  Mentally  Normal  persons  and  persons 
Mentally  Abnormal,  or  defective. 

1.  The  Mentally  Normal. — That  part  of  the  social 
population  which  is  mentally  and  emotionally  normal,  is 
further  distributed  into  three  mentality  classes,  which 
may  be  designated  as  the  Low,  the  Medium,  and  the 
High.^  These  gradations  correspond  to  degrees  of  mental 
mass  and  complexity.^ 

1  The  vitality  classes  are  graded  from  High  to  Low,  and  the  mentality, 
morality,  and  sociality  classes  from  Low  to  High,  because  such  roughly  is  the 
order  of  genesis.  The  medium  vitality  class  is  derived  from  the  high,  and  the 
low  is  derived  from  the  medium  and  the  high.  All  other  classes  are  developed, 
in  the  main,  from  the  low  through  the  medium  to  the  high. 

2  See  an  article  by  Herbert  Spencer  on  "  The  Comparative  Psychology  of 
Man  "  in  Mindy  Vol.  I,  No.  1,  January,  1876. 


266  Inductive  Sociology 

(1)  The  Low  Mentality  Class  is  composed  of  the  stupid, 
but  not  mentally  unsound. 

Deficient  imitative  and  acquisitive  power,  as  well  as  deficient 
inventive  power,  is  characteristic  of  this  class,  which  has,  of  course 
almost  no  power  of  generalization. 

(2)  The  Medium  Mentality  Class  includes  all  those  men 
and  women  who,  on  the  whole,  are  imitative  rather  than 
inventive,  but  who  are  by  no  means  wholly  devoid  of 
the  inventive  faculty,  and  who  are  otherwise  characterized 
by  the  ability  to  acquire  knowledge  and  by  common  sense. 

While  the  individuals  composing  the  medium  mentality  class  are 
in  no  way  remarkable,  they  are  in  no  way  defective.  They  have  no 
foolish  delusions ;  they  understand  and  can  appreciate  the  enormous 
advantage  of  being  guided  in  the  practical  affairs  of  life  by  the 
advice  of  genius;  but  they  accept  this  advice  in  an  independent, 
self-respecting  way,  and  always  are  capable  of  making  up  their  own 
minds  upon  any  question  that  directly  concerns  themselves. 

(3)  The  High  Mentality  Class  includes  geniuses  and 
men  and  women  of  talent.  This  class  is  relatively  small 
in  numbers.  Its  distinctive  characteristic  is  mental  mass 
and  complexity,  manifested  in  true  originality,  including 
generalizing  and  inventive  power. 

The  great  majority  of  human  beings  imitate  far  more  than  they 
invent ;  but  here  and  there  is  found  the  individual  whose  whole  life 
is  occupied  in  devising  new  combinations,  of  ideas  or  of  methods, 
that  prove  to  be  of  the  utmost  value  to  his  fellow-men.  Those 
poets,  artists,  and  musicians,  those  statesmen,  professional  men,  and 
business  men,  and  those  mechanical  inventors,  who  have  the  gift  of 
originality  to  create  new  products,  or  to  devise  new  and  better  ways 
of  doing  the  things  in  which  they  are  interested,  belong  to  the 
highest  mentality  class. 

2.  The  Mentally  AhnormaL  —  That  part  of  the  social 
population  which  is  mentally  abnormal  comprises  (1)  the 
neurotic,  including  the  emotionally  unbalanced,  the  hyster- 


The  Social  Personality  257 

ical,  the  epileptic,  and  the  suicidal ;   (2)  the  intellectually 
unbalanced,  that  is,  the  insane ;  and  (3)  the  idiotic. 

The  last  two  of  these  classes  and  sections  of  the  first  class  —  the 
epileptic  and  the  suicidal  —  are  enumerated  in  the  official  social 
statistics  of  most  countries. 

All  of  the  mentality  classes  make  cross  classifications  with  the 

vitality  classes. 

Morality,  —  Objectively  viewed,  morality  consists  of 
that  "  walk  and  conversation  "  which  the  community  as  a 
whole  approves.  It  includes  not  only  acts,  well  adapted 
to  the  achieving  of  those  ends  that  on  the  whole  are  held 
to  be  good,  but  also  outward  expressions  of  thought  and 
feeling,  so  far  as  these  also  are  approved.  Subjectively, 
morality  is  self-respect,  and  that  desire  for  the  good  opinion 
of  others,  and  that  endeavour  to  deserve  it,  which  Mr. 
Spencer  has  called  ego-altruism. 

The  opposite  of  morality  is  viciousness,  that  degree  of 
variation  from  the  prevailing  practical  resemblance  in 
matters  of  conduct,  which  the  community  disapproves,  and 
informally  punishes. 

The  social  nature  and  origin  of  morality,  conceived  as  a  cooperative 
development  of  characterization,  and,  by  implication,  the  functional 
relation  of  society  to  morality,  have  already  been  presented  in  the 
chapter  on  Concerted  Volition. 

The  Morality  Classes.  —  Inherited  inequalities  of  self- 
respect  and  of  desire  for  the  good  opinion  of  mankind  are, 
of  course,  multiplied  and  grouped  by  the  unequal  effects 
of  association,  quite  as  much  as  are  the  inherited  inequali- 
ties of  vitality  and  of  mentality.  Consequently  the  social 
population  is  distributed  into  morality  classes.  The  pri- 
mary distribution  is  into  the  Moral  and  the  Immoral. 

1.  The  Moral.  —  That  part  of  the  social  population 
which  is  on  the  whole  moral  in  motive  and  conduct  is 


h 


258  Inductive  Sociology 

further  distributed  into  three  morality  classes  which  may 
be  designated  as  the  Low,  the  Medium,  and  the  High. 

(1)  llie  Low  Morality  Class  consists  of  those  individuals 
whose  conduct  for  the  most  part  is  outwardly  correct,  but 
whose  motives  —  of  self-respect  and  desire  for  approval  — 
are  weak. 

The  motives  of  this  class  are  instinctive  rather  than  rational,  and 
its  conduct  is  more  a  matter  of  unconscious  habit  than  of  intelligent 
choice. 

(2)  The  Medium  Morality  Class  includes  those  individu- 
als whose  conduct  is  always  correct  so  far  as  a  merely 
traditional  morality  goes,  and  whose  moral  motives  are 
strong,  but  altogether  concrete. 

A  state  of  mind  that  might  be  described  as  moral  vanity  is  char- 
acteristic of  the  medium  morality  class.  Its  desire  to  be  thought 
well  of  is  often  intense,  but  the  desire  relates  to  the  good  opinion  of 
particular  individuals  or  classes  of  individuals,  and  to  a  sensitive 
dread  of  neighbourhood  gossip. 

(3)  ITie  High  Morality  Class  includes  those  individuals 
whose  conduct  is  above  reproach,  and  whose  strong  moral 
motives  are  in  a  good  degree  abstract. 

This  class  has  a  "  sense  of  duty."     It  is  sensitively  conscientious. 

2.  The  Immoral.  —  That  part  of  the  social  population 
which  must  be  described  as  immoral  comprises,  (1)  those 
who  are  ordinarily  called  immoral  because  their  conduct  is 
in  general  disapproved,  although  it  is  not  pronounced 
deeply  evil ;  (2)  the  vicious,  those  whose  conduct  is  regarded 
as  seriously  and  habitually  evil ;  and  (3)  the  depraved,  those 
whose  conduct  and  character  are  regarded  as  hopelessly  or 
almost  hopelessly  evil  in  the  deepest  degree. 

There  are  practically  no  statistics  of  morality,  vt^ith  the  exception 
of  very  imperfect  figures  of  "  disorderly  conduct,"  including  drunk- 
enness. 


The  Social  Personality  259 

All  morality  classes  make  cross  classifications  with  mentality 
classes  and  vitality  classes. 

Sociality.  —  As  the  name  itself  implies^,  sociality  com- 
prises those  qualities  of  mind  and  character,  of  disposition 
and  conduct,  which  are  eminently  and  characteristically 
social. 

Objectively  viewed,  sociality  is  a  cheerful  and  efficient 
participation  in  the  normal  comradeship  and  cooperation 
of  society. 

Subjectively  viewed,  sociality  is  altruism  —  thoughtful- 
ness  for  others,  sympathy  with  others,  kindliness  and  help- 
fulness toward  others,  even  at  some  cost  in  self-sacrifice, 
and  happiness  in  the  companionship  of  one's  kind. 

It  is  especially  in  its  sympathetic  and  positively  helpful 
quality  that  sociality  differs  from  ordinary  morality  and 
rises  above  it. 

Sociality,  or  the  social  nature,  then,  includes  the  mental 
and  moral  qualities  developed  by  association,  and  also  the 
sympathetic,  kindly  qualities  which  may  be  lacking  in  a 
merely  "  respectable  "  individualistic  morality. 

The  opposite  of  sociality  is  criminality,  that  degree  of 
variation  from  the  prevailing  practical  resemblance  in 
matters  of  conduct,  which  the  community  disapproves 
and  formally  punishes. 

The  true  social  nature  is  susceptible  to  suggestion,  and  imitative, 
and  thereby  capable  of  learning  from  fellow-beings.  This  capacity 
is  sufficient  to  make  the  social  individual  desirous  to  live  at  least  as 
well  as  the  fairly  successful  members  of  his  community.  He  desires 
to  enjoy  what  others  enjoy,  to  do  what  others  do,  and  to  act  as  others 
act. 

The  social  nature,  however,  is  to  some  extent  originative.  It  not 
only  learns  from  others  ;  it  also  teaches  others.  It  makes  new  com- 
binations of  imitations ;  it  makes  inventions  in  the  sphere  of  thought 
and  conduct,  and  sets  new  examples.  This  it  is  enabled  to  do,  be- 
cause, by  varied  contact  with  many  phases  of  life,  made  possible  by 


^ 


260  Inductive  Sociology 

wide  association,  it  enjoys  many  different  experiences  which  inevita- 
bly combine  in  peculiar  ways  and  with  peculiar  results  in  the  life  of 
each  separate  individual. 

The  social  nature  is  judicious.  It  is  satisfied  that,  on  the  whole, 
the  average  judgments  of  mankind  are  justified  by  experience.  It 
cannot,  to  be  sure,  be  perfectly  satisfied  with  any  judgment,  much 
less  with  all  judgments.  It  is  at  all  times  ready  to  criticise,  to 
direct,  or  to  devise ;  but  this  it  does  in  no  cranky,  captious,  or  Quix- 
otic way.  It  assumes  that,  for  the  purposes  of  social  unity  and  co- 
operation, men  must  respect  one  another's  judgments ;  and  that  new 
beliefs  can  be  made  practically  available  only  as  large  numbers  of 
men  are  converted  to  them.  The  individual,  protesting  alone  against 
the  opinions  of  his  fellow-members  of  society,  may  possibly  be  right, 
and  they  may  possibly  be  wrong ;  but  not  until  they  are  convinced  of 
error  can  he  wisely  and  rightly  undertake  to  put  his  views  into 
practical  operation. 

The  social  nature  is  tolerant.  It  has  learned  through  social  expe- 
rience to  give  the  same  opportunities,  immunities,  and  enjoyments 
to  others  that  it  claims  for  itself.  And  not  only  as  a  matter  of  judg- 
ment has  the  social  individual  decided  that  toleration  is  wise,  he  has 
learned  also  to  feel  as  an  experience  of  his  emotional  nature  that  it 
is  desirable  and  agreeable. 

The  social  nature,  however,  is  not  merely  tolerant  in  the  negative 
sense  of  being  non-aggressive ;  it  is  positively  sympathetic,  compan- 
ionable, and  helpful.  It  enjoys  comradeship,  communication,  social 
pleasure,  and  cooperation.  It  would  be  unhappy  in  isolation  and  dis- 
satisfied if  at  work  in  an  absolutely  individual  way,  without  relation 
to  the  industry  and  patriotism  of  other  men. 

The  vitality  and  mentality  classes,  and  even  the  moral- 
ity classes,  are  created  by  the  reactions  of  society  upon  its 
individual  members  in  their  capacity  as  individuals. 
Merely  as  individuals  they  become  more  or  less  vigorous, 
more  or  less  intellectual,  more  or  less  well-adjusted  to 
their  environments.  Sociality  is  created  by  the  reactions 
of  society  upon  its  individual  members  in  their  capacity 
as  socii,  as  resembling  individuals  behaving  in  like  ways 
under  like  conditions,  cultivating  acquaintance,  and  enjoy- 
ing association. 


The  Social  Personality  261 

The  Sociality  Classes.  —  Not  all  men  associate  habitu- 
ally with  the  same  individuals,  or  associate  with  any  indi- 
viduals in  the  same  degree.  Association,  therefore, 
develops  the  social  nature  of  different  individuals  in  dif- 
ferent degrees.  It  more  or  less  fits  them  to  be  satisfactory 
and  useful  members  of  the  community. 

These  different  reactions  produce  in  the  population  in- 
equalities and  gradations  of  social  nature.  They  create 
sociality  classes. 

The  primary  distribution  of  the  population,  according 
to  social  nature,  is  into  the  Social  and  the  Unsocial. 

1.  The  Social.  —  That  part  of  the  population  which  is 
positively  social  in  character  and  conduct  is  further  dis- 
tributed into  three  sociality  classes,  which  may  be  desig- 
nated as  the  Low,  the  Medium,  and  the  High. 

(1)  The  Loio  Sociality  Class  is  composed  of  those  in 
whom  the  social  nature,  though  positive,  is  not  fully  de- 
veloped. They  are  imperfectly  socialized.  Kelatively  they 
are  non-socialized,  and  may  be  so  called.  Their  disposi- 
tion is  to  cling  to  a  narrow  and  sometimes  selfish  individ- 
ualism. They  do  not  care  for,  or  participate  in,  any 
higher  social  organization  than  that  of  their  own  families 
a-nd  immediate  business  enterprises,  and  especially  they 
have  no  part  in  altruistic  organization. 

They  are  by  no  means  destitute  of  sympathy,  of  comprehension 
of  others,  or  of  the  desire  for  recognition;  but  their  consciousness 
of  kind,  while  normal  and  sound  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  not  wide  or 
strong.  They  are,  however,  self-supporting.  They  pride  themselves 
upon  their  independence  and  their  habit  of  minding  their  own  busi- 
ness. They  are  disinclined  to  accept  favours,  and  not  much  inclined 
to  give  them.  Their  preference  is  to  be  let  alone.  This  is  the  pri- 
mordial social  class.  From  it  all  other  social  classes  are  directly  or 
indirectly  derived. 

(2)  The  Medium  Sociality  Class  is  composed  of  those  in 
whom  the  social  nature  is  highly  developed.     They  are 


262  Inductive  Sociology 

socialized.  They  care  for  and  participate  in  the  general 
forms  of  social  organization,  especially  in  altruistic  organi- 
zation. Their  consciousness  of  kind  is  wide  in  its  scope 
and  strong  in  its  intensity. 

This  class  does  not  furnish  the  leaders  of  social  reform,  but  it  is 
interested  in  endeavours  to  perfect  social  relations,  to  develop  the 
methods  of  cooperation,  to  add  to  the  happiness  of  mankind  by  im- 
proving the  forms  of  social  pleasure,  to  preserve  and  defend  the 
great  social  institutions  of  the  family  and  the  state.  To  all  these 
endeavours  it  freely  lends  support. 

(3)  Tlie  High  Sociality  Class  is  composed  of  those  in 
whom  the  social  nature  is  developed  in  the  highest  degree. 
They  are  not  only  socialized,  but  also  individualized  and 
distinguished.  They  not  only  participate  in  general,  and 
especially  in  altruistic,  organization,  but  they  also  plan 
and  direct  it. 

To  this  class  the  entire  population  turns  for  help,  inspiration,  and 
leadership,  for  unselfish  loyalty  and  wise  enterprise.  It  includes 
all  wise  philanthropists,  all  true  reformers,  whose  zeal  is  tempered 
by  common  sense  and  sober  patience,  and  all  persons  who  give  ex- 
pression to  the  ideals  and  aspirations  of  the  community  for  a  larger 
and  better  life.  It  is  a  gifted  and  originative  class,  a  true  natural 
aristocracy  among  men,  to  which  alone  that  name  can  be  applied 
when  artificial  political  distinctions  have  been  abolished. 

2.  The  Unsocial.  —  That  part  of  the  population  which 
must  be  described  as  unsocial  comprises  (1)  the  deindividu- 
alized,  (2)  the  desocialized,  and  (3)  the  degraded. 

(1)  The  Deindividualized  are  those  who  contribute  noth- 
ing to  society,  but  are  dependent  upon  it.  Their  con- 
sciousness of  kind  is  degenerate,  and  they  lack  or  have 
lost  self-respect. 

The  deindividualized  are  a  pseudo-social  class.  They  simulate 
the  qualities  of  the  social,  and  pose  as  victims  of  misfortune.  In 
reality,  they  have  not  even  the  virtues  of  the  non-socialized.  They 
desire  only  to  live  as  parasites. 


The  Social  Personality  263" 

Most  of  the  deindividualized  are  congenital  and  habitual  paupers. 
Some  are  mendicants,  who  contrive  to  maintain  their  "respecta- 
bility "  by  living  on  soft-hearted  friends  or  acquaintances  or  philan- 
thropic strangers.  Among  those  whom  the  law  classes  as  paupers, 
however,  there  are  always  some  true  victims  of  misfortune,  who,, 
therefore,  do  not  belong  to  the  deindividualized  or  pseudo-social  class. 

(2)  The  Desocialized  are  those  who  are  hostile  to  society 
in  its  higher  developments  and  who  forcibly  prey  upon  it. 
Their  consciousness  of  kind  is  narrow  and  atavistic,  some- 
times approaching  extinction,  and  in  particular  instances 
extinct. 

The  desocialized  are  practically  an  anti-sooial  class.  They  detest 
society  and  all  its  ways.  They  make  no  pretence  of  social  virtues, 
and  prefer  to  live  by  open  aggression  upon  the  social.  They  do  not 
desire  the  cooperation  of  the  social  in  maintaining  their  rights  or 
interests,  and  prefer  to  avenge  personally  any  real  or  fancied  wrongs 
that  they  suffer. 

Practically  all  of  the  desocialized  are  criminals,  instinctive  or 
professional ;  but  among  those  who  by  law  are  classed  as  criminals 
there  are  many  who  have  not  become  altogether  anti-social,  and  who 
perhaps  could  be  saved  from  the  anti-social  class. 

(3)  The  Degraded  are  those  who  are  both  deindividual- 
ized and  desocialized.  They  have  lost  both  social  instinct 
and  self-respect. 

The  degraded  are  alternately  paupers  or  criminals,  according  to 
circumstances.  They  are  scattered  here  and  there  as  isolated  house- 
holds in  neglected  rural  districts,  and  they  are  the  habitual  frequen- 
ters of  Salvation  Army,  Magdalen,  and  other  slum  missions. 

There  are  social  causes  of  deindividualization  and  de- 
socialization.  In  all  progressive  communities  the  forms 
and  the  work  of  cooperation  and  the  forms  of  social  organi- 
zation are  undergoing  changes  that  are,  on  the  whole,  de- 
velopmental. In  addition  to  these,  other  changes  are 
occurring  that  perhaps  are  merely  disturbing.  War  alter- 
nates with  peace,  and  industrial  depression  with  industrial 
prosperity.     Often,  therefore,  great  numbers  of  men  are 


264  Inductive  Sociology 

displaced,  and  often  the  displaced  fail  to  find  their  way 
back  into  useful  activity  in  the  social  system  before  they 
have  become  discouraged  and  demoralized.  In  general, 
either  social  reorganization  or  any  disturbance  of  the 
normal  functional  activity  of  society  causes  both  desociali- 
zation  and  deindividualization.^ 

There  is  an  important  relation  between  the  development  of  the 
pauper  and  the  criminal  classes  and  the  growth  of  wealth.  Criminal 
and  pauper  aggregation  occurs  where  the  secondary  sources  of  sub- 
sistence are  accumulated.  Great  cities  always  have  more  criminals 
and  paupers  in  proportion  to  their  total  population  than  the  poorer 
parts  of  the  commonwealth.  This  is  because,  in  the  centres  of 
wealth,  there  is  not  only  an  abundance  of  food  and  clothing  upon 
which  the  worthless  elements  of  the  community  may  subsist,  but 
also  a  large  number  of  sympathetic  people,  who  are  willing  to  give 
to  all  who  ask,  without  taking  the  trouble  to  learn  whether  they 
are  deserving. 

All  sociality  classes  make  cross  classifications  with  the  morality, 
mentality,  and  vitality  classes. 

Table  IX.  —  The  Non-Socialized 

Section  I.  —  Sociality:   Altruism 

M  1.   Low. 

Section  II.  —  Morality:    Ego- Altruism 

M  1.   Low.  M  3.   High.  M  5.   Vicious. 

M  2.   Medium.  M  4.   Immoral.  M   6.   Depraved. 

Section  III.  —  Mentality:   Complexity  and  Power 

M  1.   Low.  M  3.   High.  A  5.   Insane. 

M  2.  Medium.  A  4.  Neurotic.  A  6.   Idiotic. 

Section  IV. — Vitality 

A  1.   Birth  Rate.         A  3.   Longevity.  A  5.   Deaf  and  Dumb. 

A  2.   Death  Rate.        A  4.   Blind.  A  6.   Deformed. 

1  See  "  Democracy  and  Empire,"  Chapter  v,  "The  Costs  of  Progress." 


The  Social  Personality  265 

Table  X.  —  The  Socialized 
Section  I.  —  Sociality :  Altruism 

M   1.   Medium. 
Other  sections  and  columns  as  in  Table  IX. 

Table  XL  —  The  Individualized 

Section  I.  —  Sociality:   Altruism 

M   1.    High. 

Other  sections  and  columns  as  in  Table  IX. 

Table  XII. — The  Deindividualized 

Section  I.  —  Sociality:   Altruism 
A  1.   Number  of  Male  Paupers  in  Alms  or  Workhouses. 
A  2.   Number  of  Female  Paupers  in  Alms  or  Workhouses. 
A  3.   Number  of  Male  Paupers  receiving  Outdoor  Kelief. 
A  4.   Number  of  Female  Paupers  receiving  Outdoor  Belief. 
Other  sections  and  columns  as  in  Table  IX. 

Table  XIII.  —  The  Desocialized 
Section  I.  —  Sociality :   Altruism 
Number  of  Occasional  Criminals,  Males. 
Number  of  Occasional  Criminals,  Females. 
Number  of  Professional  Criminals,  Males. 
Number  of  Professional  Criminals,  Females. 
Number  of  Instinctive  Criminals,  Males. 
Number  of  Instinctive  Criminals,  Females. 

Other  sections  and  columns  as  in  Table  IX. 

Table  XIV.  —  The  Degraded 

Section  I.  —  Sociality:  Altruism 
A  1.   Estimated  Number  of  Degraded  Men. 
A  2.   Estimated  Number  of  Degraded  Women. 

Other  sections  and  columns  as  in  Table  IX. 


A 

1. 

A 

2. 

A 

3. 

A 

4. 

A 

5. 

A 

6. 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  Inteeaction  of  Society  and  Personality 

The  Evolution  of  Personality 

The  developed  personality,  itself  the  highest  product  of 
social  evolution,  reacts  upon  society, — influencing  con- 
certed volition,  moulding  the  social  organization,  and  in 
various  ways  modifying  the  social  functioning.  Society 
and  the  social  personality  are  thus  in  continual  interaction. 
Society  creates  personality,  and  personality,  with  con- 
scious intent  to  perfect  itself,  shapes  and  perfects  society. 
A  complete  study  of  the  functioning  of  society,  therefore, 
must  include  an  examination  of  the  give-and-take  relations 
of  personality  and  its  social  medium. 

Association  and  Personality.  —  Immediately  antecedent 
to  personal  development  are  the  cultural  products  and 
activities.  Back  of  these  are  the  other  public  utilities,  and 
yet  further  back  is  the  social  organization.  Coefficient 
with  the  public  utilities,  and  especially  with  culture  in  its 
immediate  bearing  upon  personal  evolution,  is  association, 
that  continuing  comradeship  and  interchange  of  sym- 
pathies and  of  ideas,  which,  though  not  the  primordial  or 
the  simplest,  is  an  almost  universal  factor,  in  social 
phenomena. 

The  association  of  men  may  be  an  association  mainly  of  presence 
or  mainly  of  activity.  There  is  seldom  an  association  of  presence 
that  is  not  also  in  some  degree  an  association  in  activity,  and  there 
can  be  little  association  in  activity  without  some  association  of  pres- 

266 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  267 

ence.     Yet  either  presence  or  activity  is  at  any   given  time  the 
relatively  important  fact. 

Although  the  chief  phenomena  of  human  society  are  those  of 
associated  activity,  the  mere  association  of  presence  has  played  an 
important  part  in  the  mental  and  moral  evolution  of  man.  Even 
when  there  is  no  exchange  of  thought  by  actual  conversation,  the 
presence  of  fellow-beings  is  a  continuing  suggestion  of  varied 
thoughts  and  feelings,  an  inhibition  of  others,  a  stimulation  to  cer- 
tain modes  of  conduct,  and  a  discouragement  to  other  modes.  It 
carries  with  it,  moveover,  the  lingering  memories  of  associated 
activity,  and  a  consciousness  that  it  may  again  at  any  moment 
become,  through  concerted  volition,  a  positive  cooperation.  Whether 
passive  or  active,  then,  association  is  immediately  instrumental  in 
developing  personality. 

The  Unity  of  Personality.  —  The  mental  and  moral 
results  of  association  in  their  various  specific  phases  have 
already  been  examined.  These  results  have  a  consensus. 
They  are  fused  in  an  organic  unity.  That  unity  is  the 
personality,  the  self,  that  gathers  up  the  impressions  of 
sense,  the  waves  of  feeling,  the  images,  the  cognitions, 
and  the  habits  of  will,  which  constitute  the  shifting 
phenomena  of  mental  life,  and  blends  them  in  a  self-con- 
scious whole,  which,  as  a  unifying  power,  acts  more  and 
more  effectively  in  modification  or  in  control  of  each 
specific  phase  of  will  or  thought. 

Personality  is  a  unity,  but  it  is  not  indivisible  or  undecomposable. 
It  is  a  resultant  of  many  forces,  which  are  of  varying  persistency 
and  strength.  As  its  factors  change  and  shift,  increase  or  diminish 
in  intensity,  combine  and  recombine,  personality  changes  in  tone  or 
in  character.  It  is  more  powerful  than  any  of  its  conscious  states 
and  it  normally  controls  them,  but  its  control  is  analogous  to  that  of 
a  meeting  over  the  individuals  that  compose  it. 

The  blending  of  the  varied  elements  of  personality  into 
a  more  or  less  consistent  unity,  is  effected  by  the  social 
medium. 


268  Inductive  Sociology 

So  far  as  the  problem  is  one  of  heredity,  it  is  evident  that  social 

conditions  determine,  in  the  first  place,  what  elements  shall  combine 

through  sexual  union  in  the  birth  of  new  individuals, — that  is,  what 

possibilities  of  variation  shall  exist,  —  and  in  the  second  place,  what 

r  new  types  shall  survive.     So  far  as  the  problem  is  one  of  the  modifi- 

\  cation  of  the  organism  within  the  brief  span  of  individual  life,  it  is 

\  certain  that  social  conditions  determine  for  each   individual  what 

elements  of  his  personality  shall  be  played  upon  by  the  influences 

;  that  strengthen   or  weaken ;  what  suggestions  shall  consciously  or 

'  unconsciously  give  direction  to  his  thought,  quality  to  his  feeling, 

':  and  so,  at  length,  determination  to  his  will. 

r  Psychical  Determination. — Personality,  thus  created,  is 
not  a  passive  consensus  of  mental  states.  Though  com- 
posite in  its  origin,  and  decomposable,  it  is  a  unity  while 

,it  persists,  and   an   active   unity.     It   reacts   on   all  its 

;  emotional  and  intellectual  factors. 

In  every  sensation  and  perception,  in  every  act  of  attention  and 
of  reasoning,  in  every  phase  of  feeling,  personality,  the  unified 
resultant  of  all  past  and  present  feeling,  is  itself  a  factor,  making 
every  process  of  thought  and  feeling  peculiar  and  incommunicable. 
This  reaction  of  the  coordinated  whole  upon  the  parts  is  especially 
distinctive  of  the  psychology  of  man ;  it  differentiates  his  conscious 
life  from  the  conscious  life  of  lower  animals. 

The  synthesis  of  passive  and  active  phases  of  personality 
is  the  phenomenon  of  internal  or  psychical  determination. 
The  states  of  mind  are  determined,  but  mainly  through 
the  mental  processes  themselves,  and  through  character, 
which  is  the  product  of  all  that  now  is  and  ever  has  been 
1^  in  the  mind  itself. 

Psychical  determination  is  still  called  "self-determination"  in 
many  books  on  psychology.  This  term  has  a  metaphysical  history, 
and  is  misleading  in  its  connotation,  even  when  not  purposely  em- 
ployed as  a  term  to  juggle  with.  An  explicit  statement  of  exactly 
what  is  meant  by  the  term  "  psychical  determination,"  here  substi- 
tuted, is,  therefore,  in  order. 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  269 

Psychical  determination  has  antecedents  in  the  external  world,  of 
which  it  never  becomes  independent.  This  is  true,  whether  the  ex- 
ternal world  is  a  reality  transcending  knowledge,  or  only  an  order 
of  perception. 

Most  of  the  external  antecedents  of  internal  changes,  however,  are 
remote  rather  than  immediate.  Each  new  impression  of  the  external 
world  upon  the  mind  is  made  through  the  medium  of  thousands  of 
internal  results  of  previous  impressions.  The  internal  process, 
therefore,  is  different  from  the  external  process,  and  it  reacts  upon 
the  external  process. 

Psychical  determination,  then,  is  simply  the  immediate  determina- 
tion that  proceeds  through  the  infinitely  complex  internal  process  — 
conditioned  at  every  step  by  the  mental  factors  that  enter  into  it — 
as  distinguished  from  an  ulterior  determination  that  proceeds  more 
remotely  from  that  external  world  lying  outside  of  "  the  stream  of 
thought."  Psychical  determination  is  the  free  exercise  of  will  — 
not  the  exercise  of  free  will  —  in  so  far  as  volition  is  the  expression 
of  one's  own  mental  constitution,  —  from  hereditary  tendency 
and  present  sensation  up  to  reason  and  conscience.  It  is  an 
internal  or  psychical,  as  distinguished  from  external  and  physical, 
necessity. 

Cumulative  Happiness.  —  The  evolution  of  personality  is 
a  result  to  which  we  are  not  indifferent.  It  is  accompanied 
by  feelings  of  pain  or  of  pleasure.  There  is  no  growth 
without  some  disintegration,  some  breaking  up  of  the  old 
relations,  that  the  new  and  larger  relations  may  be  made 
possible,  and  this  is  painful.  But  life  itself,  spontaneous 
activity,  expansion  of  opportunity,  and  increase  of  power, 
—  these  are  pleasurable,  and  the  more  perfect  the  organ- 
ism, the  larger  and  fuller  the  life,  the  greater  is  the 
pleasure.  Moreover,  this  pleasure  is  of  the  kind  that 
does  not  bring  with  it  reactions  against  itself,  as  do  the 
pleasures  of  excess.  It  stimulates ;  it  enhances  the 
capacity  for  pleasure.  Personality,  then,  experiencing 
and  including  in  itself  all  the  satisfaction  of  its  own 
activity  and  growth,  is  normally  accompanied  by  a  cumu- 
lative happiness. 


210  Inductive  Sociology 

To  understand  the  nature  of  cumulative  happiness  it  is 
necessary  to  remember  that  either  pain  or  pleasure  may 
immediately  accompany  our  activity  as  an  instant  reaction, 
or  may  follow  later,  as  a  remoter  consequence. 

Failure  to  remember  this  simple  and  perfectly  familiar  fact  is  at 
the  bottom  of  most  ethical  controversies.  Intuitional!  sts  tell  us  that 
pleasure-seeking  is  essential  evil  and  the  source  of  moral  wrong. 
Pleasure,  they  say,  is  no  test,  or  measure,  or  verification,  of  right. 
Utilitarians,  on  the  other  hand,  admitting  that  duty  and  pleasure  do 
not  always  coincide,  argue  that  they  coincide  usually,  or  in  the  long 
run.  Suffering,  they  say,  is  evil  in  itself;  pleasure  is  good  in  it- 
self. Suffering,  as  an  incident  of  duty,  is  justifiable  only  on  the 
presumption  that  the  way  of  duty  leads  to  a  larger  and  completer 
pleasure.     That  which  has  pain  for  its  normal  end  cannot  be  duty. 

If  we  examine  their  arguments  more  closely,  however,  we  find  that 
the  intuitionalists  habitually  think  of  the  pleasure  that  immediately 
accompanies  activity  and  of  the  pains  that  come  later,  in  remoter 
consequences,  reacting  upon  the  person  who,  in  activity,  had  found 
momentary  satisfaction.  The  utilitarians,  on  the  contrary,  think  of 
the  remoter  pleasure  and  the  present  pain.  Their  pain  is  the  pain 
of  effort,  their  pleasure  a  deferred  reward. 

A  complete  view  of  the  relations  of  happiness  to  personal  evolu- 
tion— a  view  which  can  be  obtained  only  through  sociological  study 
— reveals  the  absurd  one-sidedness  of  these  conflicting  moral  systems. 
The  well-ordered  life  does  not  abstain  from  activities  that  yield  im- 
mediate pleasure,  and  it  certainly  does  not  choose  such  activities  only. 
All  normal  activities  of  body  and  mind  normally  yield  instantaneous 
reactions  of  pleasure.  All  the  rational  "  joy  of  a  right  understand- 
ing," all  personal  love,  friendship,  and  devotion,  all  gladness  of  self- 
sacrifice,  are  satisfactions  immediately  and  inseparably  connected 
with  conscious  activity  itself,  apart  from  any  anticipated  pleasur- 
ableness  or  painfulness  of  remoter  reaction.  At  the  same  time,  the 
ulterior  reactions  also  may  and  should  be  pleasurable.  Those  modes 
of  immediately  pleasurable  activity  and  those  degrees  and  prolonga- 
tions of  it  that  sooner  or  later  are  followed  by  bodily  or  intellectual 
decay,  by  misery  or  by  shame,  usually  may  be  avoided.  Those  pain- 
ful efforts  and  sacrifices  that  come  to  naught,  that  yield  nothing  but 
suffering  in  the  present  and  nothing  but  failure  in  the  future,  need 
never  be  endured  except  through  error  of  judgment  or  untoward 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  271 

accident.  It  is  possible  habitually  to  choose  those  kinds  and  degrees 
of  activity  that  are  satisfying  while  they  last  and  life-serving  at  the 
end.  In  a  word,  it  is  possible  to  create  and  to  enjoy  an  ever  cumu- 
lating happiness. 

Volitional  Association 

Let  now  the  possibilities  of  psychical  determination 
and  of  cumulative  happiness  be  combined.  The  result 
is  a  larger  synthesis,  which  is  nothing  less  than  a  con- 
scious policy  and  a  factor  in  social  evolution.  Knowing 
that  personality  depends  upon  conditions  that  are  estab- 
lished only  by  association,  and  knowing  that  we  have  the 
power  to  react  on  our  environment,  we  seek  to  increase 
our  satisfactions  by  perfecting  our  social  relations.  Thus 
the  social  function,  the  evolution  of  personality,  reacts  on 
social  cohesion  and  structure.  Accidental  association  is 
supplemented  by  an  association  that  is  volitional  in  its 
origin  and  in  its  conduct. 

Forms  of  Volitional  Association.  —  Volitional  associa- 
tion is  not  to  be  identified  with  purposive  association  or 
contrasted  with  natural  society.  Purposive  association  is 
of  course  volitional,  but  so  also,  to  a  great  extent,  is  all 
natural  society.  Volitional  association  must  be  contrasted 
with  those  rudimentary  beginnings  of  society  which  are 
more  or  less  accidental  and  unconscious.  Mere  like 
response  to  the  same  stimulus  falls  far  short  of  volitional 
association.  But  when  simultaneous  like  response  becomes 
a  concerted  volition,  or  when,  through  a  developing 
consciousness  of  kind,  a  merely  accidental  association, 
repeated  or  continued,  is  consciously  and  deliberately 
maintained,  volitional  association  has  begun. 

The  union  of  the  sexes,  which  autogenous  society  presupposes,  is 
volitional  association  in  its  primordial  form.  The  further  evolution 
of  the  social  composition  is  effected  mainly  through  volitional  asso- 


272  Inductive  Sociology/ 

elation;  federation  and  consolidation  are  usually  accomplished  by 
deliberate  acts.  But  the  social  composition,  as  at  any  given  moment 
existing,  is  a  volitional  association  to  a  certain  degree  only.  To  the 
extent  that  it  persists  by  mere  force  of  habit,  a  thing  of  tradition  and 
custom,  —  a  perfectly  unconscious  acceptance  by  unreflective  men  of 
what  is  and  has  been,  —  it  is  not  a  volitional  association.  The  evo- 
lution of  reflective  thought,  however,  is  one  of  the  inevitable  results 
of  social  growth;  and  when  reflection  has  become  in  a  measure  the 
habit  of  most  men,  it  is  turned  upon  every  relation  of  social  life. 
If,  then,  after  mature  reflection,  men  continue  unrebelliously  to  live 
in  membership  of  the  social  body  into  which  they  were  born,  and  in 
which  they  have  been  reared,  it  is  because  they  will  to  do  so.  To 
the  extent,  therefore,  that  the  social  composition  is  deliberately 
maintained  by  reflecting  men,  it  is  a  volitional  association. 

The  social  constitution,  by  its  very  nature  a  product  of  conscious 
cooperation,  is  a  volitional  association  throughout. 

77ie  Growth  and  Reactions  of  Volitional  Association.  — 
Volitional  association  develops  step  by  step  with  the  evo- 
lution of  self-conscious  personality,  and  step  by  step  with 
its  own  growth  it  reacts  upon  the  forms,  the  character, 
and  the  efficiency  of  organization. 

The  mere  beginnings  of  volitional  association  are  possible  to  very 
simple  minds.  To  choose  to  consort  with  one  another  demands  only 
intellect  enough  to  perceive  the  pleasure  or  the  advantage  of  com- 
radeship. But  for  concerted  volition  a  perception  of  complicated 
relations  is  required ;  and  a  certain  steadiness  of  character  also  is 
necessary,  if  the  concerted  volition  is  to  develop  into  a  continuing 
cooperation. 

For  the  highest  developments  of  volitional  association 
qualities  of  personality  are  required,  which  can  combine 
social  relations  and  activities  in  most  complicated  products, 
but  without  destroying  liberty. 

The  simplest  coordinations  of  social  activity,  as  we  have  seen,  are 
automatic.  In  the  simultaneous  like-response  of  many  individuals 
to  the  same  stimulus,  each  may  act  without  the  slightest  reference 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  273 

to  the  acts  of  others.  Conscious  coordination,  in  its  most  indefinite 
and  transient  form,  begins  in  imitation  and  is  continued  through 
suggestion  and  sympathy.  Each  individual  now  acts  with  conscious 
reference  to  the  like  acts  of  others,  and  yet  each  individual  is  con- 
trolled almost  absolutely  by  the  collective  impulse.  He  is  not 
independent  in  his  volition. 

A  more  definite  coordination  results  from  individual  superiority 
of  intellect  to  plan  and  of  will  to  execute.  In  consequence  of  the 
relations  of  parenthood  and  sonship,  every  individual  has  both  the 
instinct  to  rule  and  the  instinct  to  obey.  Therefore,  among  indi- 
viduals unequal  in  personal  power  there  is  coordination  through 
leadership.  Hence  follows  the  possibility  of  slavery  and  serfdom 
no  less  than  the  possibility  of  voluntary  allegiance.  Directive  intel- 
ligence, combined  with  arbitrary  power,  creates  the  one ;  combined 
with  a  strong,  but  not  arbitrary  character,  it  creates  the  other. 

Voluntary  allegiance  is  a  true  volitional  association,  which,  there- 
fore, may  attain  to  a  relatively  high  development  when  personality 
has  been  sufficiently  evolved  in  any  community  to  afford,  on  the  one 
hand,  efficient  leadership,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  an  appreciation 
of  its  value. 

Any  deference  to  leadership,  however,  involves  some  inequality 
and,  therefore,  usually  some  loss  of  individual  freedom.  Perfect 
volitional  association  consequently  is  possible  only  among  men  who 
can  coordinate  their  social  relations  and  activities  through  the  high- 
est mental  processes,  namely,  those  of  intellectual  and  sympathetic 
comprehension.  While  on  its  physical  side,  life  is  an  adjustment  of 
internal  relations  to  external  relations,  on  its  conscious  side  it  is 
much  more  than  an  adjustment.  It  is  a  comprehension  by  each  mind 
of  some  portion  of  the  thought  and  feeling  of  all  other  minds.  In 
this  phenomenon  lies  the  possibility  of  a  perfect  social  coordination 
without  the  sacrifice  of  individual  freedom.  The  possibility  becomes 
reality  just  to  the  extent  that  men  can  fully  think  one  another's 
thoughts,  appreciate  one  another's  feelings  and  understand  one 
another's  motives,  and  just  to  the  extent  that  a  genuine,  unforced 
agreement  in  thought  and  feeling  becomes  the  ground  of  a  substan- 
tial unity  of  purpose. 

The  developed  minds  to  whom  the  higher  forms  of 
volitional  association  are  possible  employ  it  to  perfect  the 
forms  of  social  organization,  and  especially  to  make  it 


274  Inductive  Sociology 

liberal  in  its  character,  since  liberty  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  the  perfection  of  personality  itself. 

They  strive,  accordingly,  to  make  the  social  composition  so  homo- 
geneous in  race  and  in  mental  and  moral  qualities  that,  with  a  secure 
basis  of  fraternity,  liberty  may  be  assured.  They  strive  so  to  develop 
the  social  constitution  that  security  and  equity,  prosperity  and  culture, 
shall  continally  minister  to  the  mental  and  moral  and  social  nature 
of  each  individual  member  of  the  community. 

Degree  of  Association.  —  With  varying  developments  of 
the  public  utilities  and  of  personality,  volitional  association 
varies  in  degree  of  intimacy  and  in  degree  of  definiteness, 
and  corresponding  variations  are  seen  in  the  reactions  of 
volitional  association  upon  personality. 

Intimacy  may  be  either  physical  or  mental,  or  it  may  be  both. 
Whether  physical  crowding  results  from  conditions  of  industry  and 
wealth  distribution,  over  which  individuals  have  little  personal  con- 
trol, or  is  a  consequence  of  deliberate  choice,  it  has  a  serious  signifi- 
cance. Most  of  the  communistic  schemes  proposed  since  Fourier^s 
day  have  involved  a  physical  intimacy  in  the  association  of  daily  life 
that  has  been  so  far  distasteful  as  to  prevent  the  general  adoption  of 
arrangements  that  offer  economic  advantages  over  the  individual 
household.  The  earliest  distribution  of  the  farming  population  of 
America  illustrates  the  same  reluctance  to  live  too  much  with  one's 
neighbours.  The  first  settlements  were  made  in  villages ;  but  when 
emigration  from  these  began,  it  was  the  self-sufficing  farm  homestead, 
and  not  the  compact  farm  village  of  the  Old  World,  that  for  a  time 
became  characteristic  of  our  rural  populations. 

In  older  communities,  however,  where  crowding  has  been  produced 
by  economic  conditions,  an  acquired  fondness  for  intimate  association 
with  fellow-beings  may  become  pathological  through  an  impairment 
of  physical  and  moral  vigour.  It  is  extremely  difficult,  for  example, 
to  divert  the  tenement-house  population  of  city  slums  to  wholesome 
rural  environments,  even  when  definite  occupation  and  good  wages 
are  promised. 

When  the  physical  crowding  of  wage-earners  in  factory  towns  and 
city  tenements  has  once  been  effected  by  economic  causes,  a  secondary 
sociological  factor  enters  into  the  feelings  of  the  well-to-do  and 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  275 

intensifies  their  own  dislike  of  close  association  in  daily  life.  It  has 
become  a  mark  of  class  differences.  It  therefore  happens  that,  just 
when  land  becomes  most  valuable,  and  the  need  of  more  room,  light, 
and  air,  for  the  multitudes,  most  imperative,  the  wealthy  attach  the 
greatest  importance  to  the  ownership  of  separate  homes  in  city  and 
country,  and  to  laying  field  to  field  in  enlargement  of  their  country 
estates. 

Mental  intimacy,  and  a  certain  definiteness  of  association  that 
goes  with  mental  intimacy,  are  conditioned  by  physical  propinquity 
when  the  means  of  communication  are  imperfect,  but  when  these  are 
highly  developed,  it  may  exist  between  persons  widely  separated  in 
space.  To  a  great  extent  they  depend  upon  an  association  of  activity, 
while  physical  intimacy  is  a  phase  of  the  association  of  presence. 
Mental  intimacy  varies  to  a  considerable  extent  with  race  and 
nationality.  In  the  same  society  it  varies  with  purposive  association, 
with  class  characteristics,  and  with  town  and  country  residence. 

Extent  and  Duration  of  Association.  —  In  all  association 
there  are  latent  forces  of  dissociation,  which  at  any  moment 
may  become  active,  destroying  the  bonds  that  hold  the 
social  groups  together,  and  dispersing  the  elements  of 
social  activity  for  reunion  in  new  relations. 

The  dissolution  of  assemblies  and  corporations,  the  disbanding  of 
armies,  the  desertion  of  cities  once  teeming  with  restless  populations, 
heresy  and  schism,  rebellion  and  secession,  have  not  been  less  con- 
spicuous or  less  fateful  than  the  slowly  evolved  associations  that 
they  have  destroyed. 

These  dissociations  that  always  limit  association  are  psychologi- 
cally analogous  to  the  process  by  which  the  individual  mind  in  per- 
ception rejects  some  elements  of  sensation,  and  in  reasoning  rejects 
some  elements  of  perception.  A  community  of  feeling  or  an  intel- 
lectual agreement  is  destroyed  when  social  groups  are  sundered. 

Association  of  great  extent  means  either  that  the  bonds  of  thought 
and  feeling  are  many  and  strong,  or  that  the  purpose  of  the  associa- 
tion is  strictly  limited  to  a  single  definite  object.  If  from  50,000,000 
to  100,000,000  individuals  hold  together  in  a  strongly  united  political 
society,  innumerable  spiritual  bonds  have  become  marvellously  in- 
terwoven. Yet  in  a  particular  work,  as,  for  example,  in  relieving  a 
district  that  has  been  ravaged  by  famine,  thousands  of  individuals 
of  different  nationalities,  beliefs,  and  interests  may  cooperate  with 


276  Inductive  Sociology 

no  other  bonds  of  union  than  a  common  knowledge  and  a  momentary 
sympathy. 

The  strength  of  the  social  motives  that  is  measured  by  the  extent, 
is  measured  also  by  the  permanence,  of  association  which  is  ever 
growing  stronger  or  weaker.  If  stronger,  it  is  because  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  is  becoming  both  deeper  and  more  comprehensive, 
because  knowledge  is  ripening  and  thought  is  becoming  more  catho- 
lic, because  the  purposes  of  men  are  becoming  more  serious,  and 
their  ideals  nobler.  No  nation  that  has  lowered  its  aspirations  or 
discouraged  the  spirit  of  inquiry  has  grown  stronger  through  the 
centuries. 

The  Reactions  of  Institutions  upon  Personality 

The  most  definite  forms  of  volitional  association  are 
positive  institutions,  and  opinions  have  differed  concerning 
the  value  of  authoritative  institutions  to  the  individual 
personality. 

It  is  true  that  the  development  of  the  individual  depends  on  wide 
opportunities  for  self-activity.     An  institutional  life,  so  ordered  that 
authority  crushes  liberty,  is  fatal  to  the  full  development  of  rational 
life.     And  yet,  if  the  highest  qualities  of  human  personality  are  to 
appear,  or  even  if  that  liberty  on  which  personal  growth  depends  is 
to  exist,  there  must  be  some  stability  and  some  continuity  in  human 
life,  and,  besides  the  elementary  security  that  the  simplest  associa- 
tion affords,  there  must  be  some  systematic  restraint  of  brutality 
r  and  some  systematic  regulation  of  social  relations.     All  experience 
\  has  shown  that  it  is  only  in  institutional  life  that  the  needful  com- 
l  bination  of  stability,  continuity,  and  liberty  is  secured. 

In  human  history  there  has  been  no  other  political  liberty  than 
constitutional  liberty.  There  has  been  no  individual  freedom  but 
under  government  and  law. 

Whether  institutional  or  not,  however,  the  social  life  and 

the  social  mind  must  be  embodied   in  articulate  form. 

The  mature  man  is  moulded  into  individuality,  not  through 

deliberate  exercises  of  mind  and  will,  undertaken  for  their 

^  effects,  but  through  the  daily  struggle  to  fulfil  the  duties 

^that  pertain  to  his  position  in  an  organized  community. 


The  Interaction  of  Society  and  Personality  277 

In  a  word,  the  medium  in  which  the  highest  develop- 
ment of  personality  is  possible,  is  a  society  that  has  a  spe- 
cialized constitution  and  that  presents  many  degrees  of 
composition.  The  individual  must  have  a  definite  part  in 
the  division  of  labour,  and  in  the  common  life  of  the 
nation,  the  local  community,  and  the  family. 

Whether  his  daily  duty  identifies  him  with  productive  industry, 
or  with  directive  functions,  or  with  the  extension  of  knowledge,  or 
with  the  spiritualization  of  life,  the  individual  is  affected  by  all  of 
these  interests  if  there  is  no  derangement  of  the  social  organization. 
The  division  of  labour  may  have  its  evil  side,  but  those  economic 
writers  are  mistaken  who  see  only  an  economic  gain  in  the  division 
of  labour,  and  deny  that  it  can  be  morally  and  mentally  beneficial 
to  individuals.  The  division  of  labour  gives  a  definite  aim  to  life.~^ 
It  insures  a  definite  discipline  and  that  minute  thoroughness  which 
every  investigator  knows  is  one  of  the  essential  conditions  of  a 
rational  mental  habit.  At  the  same  time,  it  releases  men  from  their 
'tasks  to  enjoy  more  hours  of  leisure  than  they  could  otherwise 
command. 

It  is  neither  the  life  of  humanity  in  its  vast  entirety,  therefore, 
nor  the  life  of  unorganized  masses  of  men,  that  chiefly  develops  the  in- 
dividual. He  is  developed  by  the  life  of  definite  groups,  in  which  he 
shares  the  common  interest.  The  ideals  and  aspirations  of  the  na- 
tion, which  awaken  the  enthusiasm  of  patriotism;  the  common 
interests  of  the  city  or  commune,  in  which  one  feels  the  pride  of 
citizenship,  —  these  have  always  been  necessary  to  perfect  character, 
and  without  them  there  has  been  neither  literature  nor  art.  As  for 
the  family  life,  however  its  form  may  change  from  time  to  time, 
some  definiteness  and  continuity  of  home  life,  and  therefore  of  the 
relations  between  man  and  woman,  and  between  parents  and  chil- 
dren, are  indispensable  to  the  development  of  human  nature  in  its 
completeness.  It  is  these  relationships  that  create  forethought,  that 
soften  dispositions,  that  suggest  self-sacrifice,  that  pass  on  the 
acquirements  of  one  generation  to  the  generations  that  come  after. 

Thus,  SO  far  as  volitional  association  has  to  be  accounted 
for  by  a  raison  d'etre,  it  has  a  complete  explanation  in  its 
reactions  upon  the  ethical  and  mental  phases  of  individual 


278  Inductive  Sociology 

life.     Volitional  association  is  functional  in  maintaining 
the  conditions  necessary  to  the  highest  personal  evolution.^ 

Community  and  Competition 

Since  the  tendencies  toward  both  cohesion  and  dispersion 
are  persistent,  the  social  system  simultaneously  exhibits 
phenomena  of  combination  and  of  competition,  of  com- 
munism and  of  individualism.  Neither  order  of  phe- 
nomena can  ever  exclude  the  other,  but  at  any  given  time 
one  or  the  other  order  may  be  ascendant,  and  there  may 
be  a  rhythm  of  alternating  ascendency  of  combination  or 
competition,  communism  or  individualism. 

I  The  individual,  therefore,  is  not  prior  to  society,  or  society  to  the 
individual.  Community  is  not  precedent  to  competition,  or  compe- 
tition to  community.  From  the  first,  competition  and  community, 
society  and  the  individual,  have  been  coordinate.  Society  and  the 
individual  have  always  been  acting  and  reacting  upon  each  other; 
competition  and  community  have  always  been  limiting  each  other. 

1  The  psychological  aspects  of  the  give-and-take  relations  between  person- 
ality and  the  social  medium  are  examined  in  detail  by  Baldwin,  "Mental  Evo- 
lution in  the  Child  and  the  Race." 


PROBLEMS 


PROBLEMS 

1.  Regard  the  United  States  as  a  natural  society  to  be  investi- 
gated. Take  the  forty-five  states  as  enumeration  units.  Choosing 
any  one  of  the  foregoing  tabular  forms,  have  it  filled  out  for  the 
forty-five  enumeration  units  by  as  many  different  individuals  as  pos- 
sible, each  working  independently  of  the  others.  Selecting  any  one 
entry  in  a  column,  as  made  by  any  one  person,  compare  with  it  the 
corresponding  entries  as  made  by  all  other  persons  engaged  in  the 
work.  Ascertain  the  mean  variation  of  these  entries.  Proceed  in 
like  manner  with  the  entries  in  each  column,  for  each  enumeration 
unit. 

2.  In  like  manner  have  each  of  the  foregoing  tabular  forms  filled 
out  for  the  forty-five  enumeration  units  of  the  United  States,  and, 
proceeding  as  before,  ascertain  the  mean  variations  of  the  entries. 

3.  Choosing  a  New  England  town,  a  Western  township,  or  a 
Southern  county  or  parish,  as  a  community  to  be  studied,  take  the 
school  districts  or  other  neighbourhood  divisions  as  enumeration 
units.     Proceed  as  in  Problem  1. 

4.  Choosing  a  block  of  tenement  houses,  and  taking  households 
as  enumeration  units,  proceed  as  in  Problem  1. 

5.  By  means  of  tabular  records,  made  in  each  case  by  many  ob- 
servers, and  with  due  regard  to  mean  error  of  observations,  deter- 
mine for  each  nationality  and  for  the  native  born  of  each  distinctive 
geographical  region,  and  for  the  membership  of  each  religious  de- 
nomination or  sect,  (1)  the  motor  types,  (2)  the  emotional  types, 
(3)  the  intellective  types,  (4)  the  type  of  disposition,  (5)  the  type  of 
character,  (6)  the  type  of  mind.     See  Appendix  I. 

6.  In  one  thousand  persons  of  different  nationalities  ascertain  the 
number  of  persons  of  each  nationality.  Selecting  a  point  of  mental 
resemblance,  ascertain  how  many  times  resemblance  in  this  point  is 
found  between  individuals  of  the  same  nationality,  and  how  many 
times  between  individuals  of  different  nationality.  Compare  the 
distribution  so  obtained  with  the  distribution  given  by  the  equation 
of  probability. 

7.  Proceeding  as  in  Problem  6,  observe  the  distribution  of 
resemblance  in  various  points. 

281 


282  Inductive  Sociology 

8.  Choosing  any  column  marked  A  in  any  table,  fill  it  out  for  as 
many  enumeration  units  within  contiguous  territory  as  possible. 
Foot  the  column  and  call  the  sum  the  "  Column  Total."  Find  now 
the  total  population  of  each  enumeration  unit  and  the  total  population 
of  all  the  enumeration  units  collectively ;  and  calculate  the  number 
of  hundreds,  thousands,  or  millions  into  which  the  population  of  each 
enumeration  unit  will  divide,  and  into  which  the  total  population  of 
all  the  enumeration  units  collectively  will  divide.  Now  divide  the 
"  Column  Total "  by  the  number  of  hundreds,  thousands,  or  millions 
in  the  total  population  of  all  the  enumeration  units  collectively. 
The  quotient  is  the  average  arithmetic  value  of  the  phenomenon  under 
investigation  per  one  hundred,  one  thousand,  or  one  million  of  the 
same  total  population.  Next,  divide  the  arithmetic  value  found  in 
the  column  against  any  enumeration  unit,  by  the  number  of  hundreds, 
thousands,  or  millions  contained  in  the  population  of  that  enumeration 
unit.  The  quotient  is  the  average  arithmetic  value  of  the  phenom- 
enon under  investigation  per  one  hundred,  one  thousand,  or  one 
million  of  population  in  that  enumeration  unit.  Proceed  in  like 
manner  with  each  enumeration  unit.  From  the  data  thus  obtained 
calculate  The  Standard  Deviation,^  for  the  phenomenon. 

9.  Choosing  any  column  marked  M  in  any  table,  fill  it  out  for  as 
many  enumeration  units,  within  the  same  contiguous  territory,  as 
possible.  Count  and  note  down  the  number  of  large  majorities 
recorded  in  the  column.  Divide  the  sum  by  the  whole  number  of 
enumeration  units.  Place  the  denominator  equal  to  one  hundred  and 
find  the  corresponding  numerator.  The  resulting  ratio  is  the  average 
number  of  large  majorities  per  one  hundred  enumeration  units  for 
the  entire  area  investigated.  Now  combine  enumeration  units  into 
approximately  symmetrical  groups  of  approximately  equal  population. 
Count  and  note  down  the  number  of  large  majorities  recorded  in  the 
column  for  any  one  of  these  groups,  and  divide  the  sum  by  the  num- 
ber of  enumeration  units  in  the  group.  Place  the  denominator  equal 
to  one  hundred  as  before,  and  find  the  corresponding  numerator. 
The  ratio  so  obtained  is  the  average  number  of  large  majorities  per 
one  hundred  enumeration  units  for  the  group  in  question.  Proceed 
in  like  manner  with  each  group.  From  the  data  thus  obtained  cal- 
culate the  standard  deviation  of  large  majorities  for  the  phenomenon 
under  investigation.  Proceed  in  like  manner  for  small  majorities, 
for  large  minorities,  and  for  small  minorities. 

10.  Whenever  upon  superficial  examination  the  results  recorded 

i  See  ante^  p.  22. 


Problems  283 

in  any  column  of  any  table  appear  to  be  correlated  with  the  results 
recorded  in  any  other  column  of  the  same  or  of  any  other  table,  pro- 
ceed with  such  columns  as  in  Problem  8  or  Problem  9.  Prom  the 
data  so  obtained  determine  the  Coefficient  of  Correlation,  using  Gal- 
ton's  or  the  algebraic  method.^  A  diagrammatic  method  devised  by 
E.  B.  Tylor^  and  simpler  than  Galton's  is  sufficient  in  many  cases. 

11.  When  numerous  coefficients  of  correlation  have  been  deter- 
mined, many  standard  deviations  calculated,  and  exceptional  devia- 
tions noted,  examine  such  data  for  the  verification  or  correction  of 
provisionally  formulated  laws,  for  the  determination  of  conditions, 
and  for  the  possible  discovery  of  causes.^ 

1  See  Bowley,  Elements  of  Statistics,  Part  II,  §  6. 

2  "On  a  Method  of  Investigating  the  Development  of  Institutions ;  Applied 
to  the  Laws  of  Marriage  and  Descent,"  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute, 
Vol.  XVIII,  No.  3,  February,  1889,  p.  245. 

•  See  a7ite,  p.  14. 


APPENDIX 


Types  of  Mind  in  the  United  States 

Before  undertaking  investigations  of  the  types  of  mind  found  in 
any  social  population,  in  accordance  with  the  tabular  schemes  pre- 
sented in  the  chapter  on  Mental  and  Practical  Kesemblance  and  the 
instructions  of  Problem  5,  the  student  may  advantageously  consult  a 
memoir  by  the  author  entitled,  ^^  A  Provisional  Distribution  of  the 
Population  of  the  United  States  into  Psychological  Classes,"  to 
which  foot-note  references  have  been  made.^  Details  of  procedure 
are  there  shown,  and  tables  are  presented,  showing  the  assignment 
of  mental  type  to  the  native-born  whites  of  native  parents  in  each 
geographical  section  of  the  United  States,  to  each  nationality  of 
foreign-born  whites  and  native-born  whites  of  foreign  parents,  and 
to  the  membership  of  each  religious  denomination  enumerated  in  the 
Federal  Census.  The  distribution  by  nationalities  results  in  these 
percentages:  Ideo-motor  2.9%  of  the  total  population  of  62,622,250 
given  by  the  Eleventh  Census;  Ideo-motor  to  Ideo-emotional,  8.1%; 
Ideo-emotional,  29.2% ;  Ideo-emotional  to  Dogmatic-emotional, 
33.5%;  Dogmatic-emotional,  19.3%;  Dogmatic-emotional  to  Critical- 
intellectual,  6.3%  ;  Critical-intellectual,  1.6%.  The  distribution  on 
the  basis  of  religious  preference  results  in  percentages  as  follows: 
Ideo-motor  to  Ideo-emotional,  7.6%;  Ideo-emotional,  29.9%;  Ideo- 
emotional  to  Dogmatic-emotional,  35.8% ;  Dogmatic-emotional, 
20.8%  ;  Dogmatic-emotional  to  Critical-intellectual,  6.1%.  The  close 
correspondence  of  these  percentages  does  not  prove  that  the  pro- 
visional distribution  is  absolutely  the  right  one,  but  it  indicates  a 
distribution  approximately  right,  which  may  be  made  a  basis  for 
further  investigation.  The  general  conclusion  that  "the  mental 
mode  of  the  American  people  as  a  whole  is  ideo-emotional  to  dog- 
matic-emotional," may  probably  be  accepted  as  established. 

A  distribution  of  the  American  population  into  types  of  character, 

1  The  Psychological  Beview,  Vol.  VIII,  No.  4,  July,  1001,  pp.  337-349, 

285 


286  Appendix 

on  the  basis  of  data  mentioned  on  page  84,  would  show  a  concentra- 
tion of  the  Forceful  type  along  the  seaboard  —  Atlantic  and  Pacific  — 
and  the  Great  Lakes;  along  the  Appalachian,  Rocky,  and  Sierra 
mountain  chains,  and  on  the  great  plains  west  of  the  Mississippi 
River.  It  would  show  a  mingling  of  the  Convivial  type  with  the 
Forceful  in  all  the  foregoing  regions,  and  a  very  even  distribution 
over  the  South  Atlantic  and  South  Central  States ;  a  distribution  of 
the  Austere  type  in  a  broad  belt  westward  from  the  Atlantic  coast 
into  Iowa  and  Kansas,  and  a  concentration  of  the  Rationally  Con- 
scientious type  at  scattered  points  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  that  is 
to  say,  in  the  great  cities.  The  accompanying  Map  I  provisionally 
and  very  roughly  shows  this  distribution  of  the  character  types. 

II 

Degree  of  Sympathy  in  the  Population  op  the  United  States 

The  formula  for  degree  of  social  sympathy,  given  on  page  110, 
can  be  filled  out  with  numerical  values  for  the  United  States  from 
data  given  by  the  Federal  Census,  and  we  can  get  approximately 
accurate  tables  of  degrees  of  resemblance,  and  therefore  of  social 
solidarity. 

For  the  values  of  A;  (mental  and  practical  resemblance  as  coordinated 
with  the  degrees  of  kinship)  we  have  the  statistics  of  the  native 
born  of  native  parents,  the  native  born  of  foreign  parents,  the  foreign 
born,  and  the  coloured. 

The  values  of  m  (mental  and  practical  resemblance  irrespective  of 
kinship)  may  be  obtained  by  combining  religious,  political,  and 
industrial  statistics.  For  example,  one  phase  of  mental  and  moral 
resemblance  is  shown  in  religious  beliefs.  An  approximate  value  of 
m,  therefore,  may  be  obtained  by  making  the  number  of  Protestants 
equal  m';  the  number  of  Protestants  plus  the  number  of  Roman 
Catholics  equal  m" ;  the  number  of  Protestants  plus  the  number  of 
Roman  Catholics,  plus  the  number  of  nominal  Christians,  equal  m'" ; 
and  the  number  of  Protestants  plus  the  number  of  Roman  Catholics, 
plus  the  number  of  nominal  Christians,  plus  the  number  of  all  who 
belong  to  non-Christian  faiths,  equal  to  m"".  This  approximate  value 
may  be  corrected  by  a  similar  use  of  political  statistics.  Finally, 
a  last  correction  may  be  made  by  means  of  the  statistics  of  occupa- 
tions, in  which  the  categories  are :  the  percentage  of  the  population 
employed  in  agriculture ;  the  percentage  employed  in  trade  and  trans- 


Appendix  287 

portation ;  the  percentage  employed  in  manufacturing  and  mining ; 
the  percentage  employed  in  professional  occupations ;  and  the  per- 
centage employed  in  personal  services. 

The  value  of  v  (potential  resemblance)  is  approximately  given  in 
the  statistics  of  occupation.  The  chief  assimilating  influence  in  a 
population  is  contact  and  acquaintance ;  therefore,  trade  and  trans- 
portation, manufacturing  and  mining,  professional  occupations  and 
personal  services,  are  the  occupations  that  insure  assimilation. 

In  the  following  tables  and  maps  this  method  of  determining 
degrees  of  resemblance,  and  thereby  of  sympathy,  is  illustrated  to 
the  extent  of  showing  degrees  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
as  coordinated  with  kinship  in  the  population  of  the  United  States. 

The  five  columns  of  Table  I  have  been  obtained  as  follows :  — 

The  column  "  Native  White  of  Foreign  Parents  "  is  obtained  from 
the  Compendium  of  the  Eleventh  Census,  Part  I,  p.  Ixxxviii, 
column  3. 

The  column  "Foreign  Born''  is  obtained  from  the  same  table, 
column  2. 

In  the  same  volume  of  the  Compendium,  p.  c,  is  given  (column  1) 
the  percentage  of  whites  to  the  total  population.  By  subtracting  it 
from  one  hundred  per  cent,  the  percentage  of  "  All  Coloured  "  is 
obtained. 

The  column  "Native  White  of  Native  Parents"  is  obtained  by 
subtracting  the  sum  of  the  other  three  elements  {i.e.  native  born  of 
foreign  parents,  foreign  born,  and  all  coloured)  from  one  hundred 
per  cent. 

The  Index  Number  = 

(The  native  born  of  native \      /The  native  born  of  native  parents  +  the\ 
parents /.j_A native  born  of  foreign  parents ) 

1  "^  2 


The  native  born  of  native  par- 
ents +  the  native  born  of  for- 
eign parents  +  the  foreign 
born 


'The  native  born  of  native  parents 
+  the  native  bom  of  foreign 
parents  -f-  the  foreign  born  +  all 
coloured. 


The  relations  disclosed  in  Table  I  are  shown  also  in  Map  II. 


288 


Appendix 


TABLE  I 


Native 

Native 

Btatb 

White  of 

White  op 

Foreign 

All 

Index 

Native 

Foreign 

Born 

Coloured 

Number 

Paeents 

Parents 

Alabama     .... 

52.64 

1.50 

0.98 

44.88 

105.96 

Arkansas     .    . 

69.23 

2.10 

1.26 

27.43 

135.61 

California   .    . 

36.18 

26.62 

30.32 

7.98 

101.54 

Colorado     .    . 

58.38 

19.36 

20.38 

1.88 

134.28 

Connecticut    . 

47.81 

25.87 

24.60 

1.72 

121.72 

Delaware    .    . 

64.87 

10.46 

7.81 

16.87 

135.81 

Florida   .    .    . 

47.58 

4.03 

6.86 

42.53 

100.25 

Georgia  .    .    . 

51.52 

1.07 

0.66 

46.75 

103.63 

Idaho      .    .    . 

51.43 

26.07 

20.69 

2.81 

126.48 

Illinois    .    . 

49.17 

27.31 

22.01 

1.51 

124.63 

Indiana  .    . 

77.44 

13.81 

6.67 

2.08 

160.05 

Iowa  .    .    . 

55.64 

26.84 

16.95 

0.57 

134.24 

Kansas    .    . 

69.62 

16.68 

10.36 

3.64 

149.19 

Kentucky    . 

75.69 

6.69 

3.19 

14.43 

150.77 

Louisiana    . 

36.85 

8.62 

4.45 

50.08 

84.57 

Maine     .    . 

76.61 

11.17 

11.94 

0.28 

157.93 

Maryland    . 

55.23 

15.01 

9.05 

20.71 

122.67 

Massachusetts 

42.51 

27.09 

29.36 

1.05 

114.55 

Michigan     . 

43.73 

29.30 

25.97 

1.00 

116.01 

Minnesota  . 

23.86 

39.80 

36.90 

0.44 

93.08 

Mississippi  . 

40.33 

1.30 

0.62 

57.73 

84.21 

Missouri 

69.26 

16.34 

8.77 

5.63 

148.15 

Montana     . 

40.26 

23.43 

32.61 

3.70 

108.69 

Nebraska    . 

56.08 

23.65 

19.13 

1.14 

133.16 

Nevada  .    . 

26.16 

27.11 

32.14 

14.59 

86.65 

New  Hampshii 

•e 

67.33 

13.28 

19.21 

0.18 

146.09 

New  Jersey 

48.14 

25.74 

22.77 

3.35 

122.74 

New  York   . 

41.94 

30.64 

26.19 

1.23 

116.42 

North  Carolina 

64.55 

0.45 

0.23 

34.77 

126.86 

North  Dakota 

20.42 

34.67 

44.58 

0.33 

86.39 

Ohio  .    .    . 

63.65 

21.66 

12.61 

2.38 

143.01 

Oregon    .    . 

61.98 

16.92 

18.27 

3.83 

137.47 

Pennsylvania 

61.65 

20.28 

16.08 

2.09 

139.44 

Rhode  Island 

39.73 

27.29 

30.77 

2.21 

110.19 

South  Carolina 

38.66 

0.93 

0.64 

69.87 

80.99 

South  Dakota 

38.63 

33.22 

27.69 

0.46 

111.94 

Tennessee   . 

72.61 

1.88 

1.13 

24.38 

141.26 

Texas      .    . 

62.96 

8.30 

6.84 

21.90 

130.62 

Utah  .    .    . 

32.48 

41.04 

26.62 

0.96 

106.60 

Vermont     . 

67.74 

18.70 

13.26 

0.30 

148.39 

Virginia.     . 

68.97 

1.62 

1.11 

38.40 

117.12 

Washington 

52.02 

19.68 

26.76 

2.54 

124.74 

West  Virginia 

87.85 

6.38 

2.48 

4.29 

170.90 

Wisconsin  . 

25.75 

43.09 

30.78 

0.38 

97.58 

Wyoming    . 

49.15 

23.92 

24.57 

2.36 

122.60 

Appendix 


289 


In  Table  II  the  states  are  grouped  according  to  low,  medium, 
and  high  index  numbers.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  states 
which  are  distinguished  for  a  rather  pronounced  "Americanism" 
in  politics  and  legislation  are  chiefly  found,  as  might  be  expected, 
in  the  third  column. 

TABLE  II 


Index  below  110 

110-189 

130  A»D  Otbb 

Alabama 

Connecticut 

Arkansas 

California 

Idaho 

Colorado 

Florida 

Illinois 

Delaware 

Georgia 

Maryland 

Indiana 

Louisiana 

Massachusetts 

Iowa 

Minnesota 

Michigan 

Kansas 

Mississippi 

New  Jersey 

Kentucky 

Montana 

New  York 

Maine 

Nevada 

North  Carolina 

Missouri 

North  Dakota 

Bhode  Island 

Nebraska 

South  Carolina 

South  Dakota 

New  Hampshire 

Utah 

Virginia 

Ohio 

Arizona 

Washington 

Oregon 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 

Pennsylvania 

Tennessee 

Texas 

New  Mexico 

Oklahoma 

Vermont 

According  to  the  reasoning  of  pages  178-181  we  should  look  for 
progress  and  social  leadership  to  those  communities  where  the  popu- 
lation is  neither  perfectly  homogeneous  nor  excessively  heterogeneous. 
From  this  point  of  view  Table  III,  showing  the  relative  positions  of 
the  northern  states  that  have  index  numbers  between  105  and  125,  is 
interesting.  The  relations  indicated  by  Table  III  and  column  2  of 
Table  II  are  well  shown  in  Map  III. 


290 


Appendix 


TABLE  in 


106 

106 

107 

108 

109 

110 

Ill 

Utah 

Montana 

Rhode 
Island 

South 
Dakota 

112 

113 

114 

115 

116 

117 

118 

Mass. 

N.  Y. 

Mich. 

119 

130 

121 

122 

123 

124 

126 

Conn. 

Md. 
N.J. 
Wy. 

III. 

Wash. 

III 

Social  Values 

In  the  accompanying  scheme,  page  291,  are  shown  the  relations  of 
Social  or  Political  Values  to  one  another  and  to  the  historical  evolu- 
tion of  society. 

IV 

Vitality  and  Mentality  Classes 

In  the  accompanying  scheme,  page  292,  the  relations  of  Vitality 
and  Mentality  Classes  to  one  another,  and  to  the  distribution  of 
population  as  rural  and  urban,  are  diagram matically  indicated. 


Appendix 


291 


Comprising,  Maintaining, 
and  Developing : 


O   =3 


i 


^ 

I. 

Social  cohesion 

^ 

Coercion. 

S. 

Bribery. 
Patronage. 

Loyalty. 

II. 
III. 

IV. 

% 

Rational  com 

)rehension. 

Extent  and  composition. 

Possessions. 

Policies. 

I.  Self-preservation. 

^ 

II.  Territory  : 

1.  Tribal  or  national 

domain. 

^ 

2.  Sacred  places. 

? 

3.  Historic  places. 

CO 

III.  Personages : 

1.  Leaders. 

O 

2.  Heroes. 

8.  Saints. 

4.  Gods. 

P' 

IV.  Customs: 

1.  Language. 

* 

2.  Manners. 

ri 

8.  Costumes. 

S 

4.   Amusements. 

^. 

5.  Poetic  arts. 

6.   Plastic  arts. 

s* 

-• 

7.  Worship. 

8.  Education. 

s 

t? 

9.  Economic  arts. 

3 

10.   Morals. 

t3 

V.  Institutions 

:  1.  The  state. 

® 

2.  Family   and  mar- 

Z 

riage. 
8.  The  church. 
4.  Property. 
6.  Contract. 

6.  The  labour  system 

7.  The  legal  system. 

8.  The  form  of  gov- 

ernment. 

VI.  Social  Cohesion. 

VII.  Extent  anc 

composition. 

VIII.   Socialization:  1.  By  coercion. 

2.  By  incitement. 

8.  By  conversion. 

4.  By  discussion 

and  education. 

With  Preference  for: 


I  W  I 

i"  I  § 

O  to  P- 

W  g  J 

i'  -  I 

I'  ?  o 


As  Expressed  in 


n 

W 

«-< 

s 

o 

"t 

3 

3 

o' 

o 

wS 

W 

to 

m 

S' 

5 

0? 

p 

p 

h- 

CO 

o 

p 

n 

o 

O. 

Q' 

1 

With  Preference  f<n- 


The  Moral  Type 


»=^     o    >. 

i    I    S 


o 

c 


The   Distinction   or 

Attainment    of  the 

Community 


^ 


292 


Appendix 


Relations  of  Vitality  and  Mentality  Classes 


1.  Country  population. 

2.  Population  of  country  villages. 


3.  Suburban  population. 

4.  Urban  population. 


Enclosed  by  inner  dotted  line,  high  vitality  class. 

Between  inner  and  outer  dotted  lines,  medium  vitality  class. 

Outside  of  outer  dotted  line,  low  vitality  class. 

Above  line  6c,  high  mentality  class. 

Between  lines  aby  bc^  medium  mentality  class. 

Below  line  a6,  low  mentality  class. 


Appendix 


293 


RATIONALLY  " 
COKSCIENTIOUS 


MAP  I 


294 


Appendix 


Appendix 


295 


INDEX 


Numbers  refer  to  pages 


Accommodation,  81. 

Affection,  97. 

Age,  differences  of,  47. 

Aggregation,  the  fact,  40 ;  causes  of, 

45. 
Althusius,  J.,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 
Amalgamation,  55. 
Amazonian  Indians,  191,  193. 
Ammon,  O.,  on  cephalic  race,  109  n. 
Animistic  ideas,  121. 
Appreciation,  defined,  58  ;  degrees,  70  ; 

motives,  71 ;  methods,  73 ;  and  cul- 
ture, 120. 
Aristotle,    relation   to    sociology,    16 ; 

classification  of  governments,  28 ;  on 

purpose  of  the  state,  210. 
Arts,  aesthetic,  development  of,  125. 
Assimilation,    defined,    101 ;     through 

imitation,  105. 
Association,  development  of,  112  ;  and 

sympathetic    like-mindedness,    141  ; 

and  dogmatic  like-raindedness,  150 ; 

in  deliberative  like-mindedness,  156  ; 

and  personality,  266 ;   degree,  274 ; 

extent  and  duration,  275. 
Associations,  cultural,  213  ;  economic, 

214 ;  moral  and  juristic,  216  ;  politi- 
cal, 217. 
Attention,  preferential,  73. 
Austere  character,  defined,  83. 
Autogeny,  56. 

Bach  of  en,  J.  J.,  contribution  to  soci- 
ology. 16. 

Baldwin,  J.  Mark,  on  society  and  per- 
sonality, 278  n. 

Bantu,  192. 

Bechuanas,  194. 


Belief,  nature  of,  145;  influenced  by 
communication,  148. 

Biology  and  sociology,  7. 

Birth  rates,  41. 

Blackfellows,  191,  193. 

Boas,  Franz,  on  cephalic  race,  54 ;  on 
Indian  secret  societies,  207  n. 

Bodin,  Jean,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

Bowley,  Arthur  L.,  on  statistical  meth- 
ods, 13  n. ;  on  standard  deviation, 
22  n. ;  on  inexact  statistics,  23  n. ;  on 
substitution  in  statistics,  27  n. ;  on 
coefBcient  of  correlation,  283  n. 

Buckle,  Henry  T.,  contribution  to  soci- 
ology, 17  ;  on  relation  of  physical  con- 
ditions to  mental  development,  140  n. 

Bushmen,  193. 

Caesar,  conspiracy  of  Orgetorix,  208  n. 

Cause,  inductions  of,  14. 

Cephalic  race,  54. 

Channing  and  Hart's  "Guide,"  61. 

Character,  types  of,  defined,  63 ;  ex- 
plained, 82. 

Characterization,  defined,  59 
79  ;  motives,  80  ;  methods,  81. 

Choice,  social,  laws  of,  177. 

Chromatic  race,  53. 

Clan,  204. 

Class,  defined,  13. 

Communication,  motives,  96 ; 
velopment,  112 ;  in  sympathetic 
like-mindedness,  139 ;  in  dogmatic 
like-mindedness,  148 ;  in  delibera- 
tive like-mindedness,  155. 

Composition,  social,  defined,  6,  185; 
resemblance  in,  187 ;  types,  189 ; 
origin,  196  ;  law  of  development,  197. 


de- 


297 


298 


Index 


Comte,  Auguste,  contribution  to  soci- 
ology, 16. 

Conceptual  thinking,  defined,  121. 

Concerted  volition,  defined,  64  ;  rise  of, 
111 ;  subjective  and  objective  condi- 
tions, 111 ;  modes,  133  ;  laws,  176. 

Condition,  inductions  of,  14. 

Confederation,  as  a  component  society, 
194  ;  as  a  constituent  society,  206. 

Confiict,  persistence  of,  106 ;  psycho- 
logical stages,  107. 

Congregation, defined,  44;  minimum,  45. 

Consanguinity,  49. 

Consciousness  of  kind,  defined,  63,  99  ; 
subjective  aspect,  91 ;  extent  and 
degree,  99 ;  mutability  and  degrees, 
108 ;  and  cooperation,  113  ;  recipro- 
cal, 137  ;  and  popular  belief,  148 ; 
and  the  social  composition,  196  ;  and 
political  associations,  217. 

Consciousness  of  potential  resemblance, 
100. 

Consciousness,  social,  defined,  66. 

Conspiracy,  political,  208. 

Constitution,  social,  defined,  6,  186 ; 
resemblance  in,  199 ;  types,  201 ; 
organization,  203 ;  generalizations, 
222  ;  law  of  development,  224. 

Convivial  character,  defined,  83. 

Cooperation,  112  ;  nature,  113  ;  causes, 
114;  forms,  116;  extent,  118;  public  and 
private,  118  ;  work  of,  119  ;  as  devel- 
oped by  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
142 ;  by  dogmatic  like-mindedness, 
151 ;  by  deliberative  like-mindedness, 
156 ;  permanence,  182. 

Correlation,  in  statistical  methods,  22. 

Costume,  development  of,  123. 

Criminality,  defined,  259. 

Critical-intellectual  type  of  mind,  de- 
fined, 88. 

Cultural  associations,  213. 

Cultural  thought  and  activity,  defined, 
120 ;  in  instinctive  like-mindedness, 
135 ;  in  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
142 ;  in  dogmatic  like-mindedness, 
151 ;  in  deliberative  like-mindedness, 
157,  161. 


Culture  and  the  social  welfare,  243. 
Cushing,  Frank  H.,  on  the  clan,  207  n. 

Damaras,  192,  194. 

Death  rates,  42. 

Deduction,  as  a  method  of  investiga- 
tion, 26 ;  in  dogmatic  like-minded- 
ness, 147. 

De  Greef,  G. ,  contribution  to  sociology, 
16  ;  hierarchy  of  social  activity,  234  n. 

Deliberative  like-m  indedness.  See  Like- 
mindedness,  deliberative. 

Density  of  population,  41. 

Desire  for  recognition,  98. 

Deviation,  in  statistics,  21;  standard, 
22. 

Dexter,  Edwin  G.,  conduct  and  the 
weather,  140  n. 

Disposition,  types  of,  62,  78. 

Distribution,  of  societies,  35 ;  of  life,  40. 

Dogmatic-emotional  type  of  mind,  de- 
fined, 87. 

Dogmatic  like-mindedness.  See  Like- 
mindedness,  dogmatic. 

Durkheim,  E.,  contribution  to  sociol- 
ogy, 17. 

Economic  thought  and  activity,  defined, 
126 ;  in  instinctive  like-mindedness, 
135 ;  in  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
143 ;  in  dogmatic  like-mindedness, 
152  ;  in  deliberative  like-mindedness, 
157,  161. 

Economic  classes.  See  Social-economic 
classes. 

Economy  and  the  social  welfare,  239. 

Education,  244. 

Emblem,  137. 

Emotional  types,  75. 

Endogamous  societies,  190. 

Epicurus,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

Equality,  237. 

Equity  and  the  social  welfare,  236. 

Eskimo,  191. 

Ethnic  race,  51. 

Evidence,  critical  study  of,  17. 

Exogamous  societies,  190. 

Fact,  defined,  13. 


Index 


299 


Family,  as  a  component  society,  191. 
Forceful  character,  defined,  82. 
Forces,  social,  67  ;  socializing,  69. 
Fouill6e,  A.,  contribution  to  sociology, 

17. 
Foulke,  Wm.  D.,  on  effect  of  physical 

environment  on  mental  development, 

140  n. 
Fourier,  Charles,  communistic  schemes 

since,  274. 
Fraternity,  238. 
Fuegians,  193. 

Galton,  Francis,  on  inexact  statistics, 
23  n. ;  method  of  determining  corre- 
lation, 283. 

Generalization,  defined,  13. 

Genetic  aggregation,  42  ;  potential,  43. 

Gens.     See  Clan. 

Gillen,  F.  J.,  and  Spencer,  on  totem, 
190  n. ;  on  clan,  205  n. ;  on  primitive 
secret  societies,  207  n. 

Glottic  race,  62. 

G6tra,  205. 

Grotius,  H.,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

Gumplowicz,  L.,  contribution  to  sociol- 
ogy, 16. 

Hansen,    on    vitality    and    mentality, 

252  n. 
Harrison,    Wm.,    on    social-economic 

classes  in  England,  242  n. 
Hart,  Albert  B.,  "American  History 

Told  by  Contemporaries,"  242  n. 
Hayy,  205. 

History  and  sociology,  8. 
Hobbes,  T. ,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 
Hooker,  K. ,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 
Horde,  defined,  193. 
Hottentots,  192,  194. 
Household,  203. 
Hovas,  192,  194. 

Ideo-emotional  type  of  mind,  defined, 

87. 
Ideo-motor  type  of  mind,  defined,  87. 
Imitation,  facility  of,  92 ;  social,  104 ; 

laws,  105 ;  and  social  pleasures,  124. 


Impression,  77,  103. 

Induction,  in  general,  11 ;  possibilities 
of,  12  ;  in  sociology,  16 ;  in  delibera- 
tive like-mindedness,  155. 

Innuit,  193. 

Inspection,  critical,  74 ;  curious,  73. 

Instigation,  77. 

Instinctive  like-mindedness.  See  Like- 
mindedness,  instinctive. 

Institutions,  defined,  184 ;  reactions 
upon  personality,  276. 

Integral  society,  defined,  6. 

Integration  of  like  response,  61. 

Intellectual  types,  75. 

Invention,  78. 

Irish,  polyandry  among,  192. 

Iroquois  Indians,  confederation  of,  194 ; 
clan  of,  205. 

James,  William,  on  psychology  of  time 
and  space,  12  n. 

Kaffirs,  194. 

Kasias,  194. 

Kinship,  degrees  of,  49  ;  as  correspond- 
ing to  degree  of  mental  and  practical 
resemblance,  90. 

Language,  defined,  121. 

Lapouge,  G.  de,  on  cephalic  race,  109  n. 

Law,  scientific,  defined,  13. 

Le  Bon,  Gustave,  contribution  to  so- 
ciology, 17. 

Lestrade,  Combes  de,  contribution  to 
sociology,  16. 

Liberty,  source  of,  225 ;  laws,  226 ;  and 
equality,  237. 

Like-mindedness,  defined,  5. 

Like-mindedness,  deliberative,  subjec- 
tive factors,  154 ;  objective  factors, 
155 ;  development  of  cooperation,  156  ; 
evidences  and  extent,  162. 

Like-mindedness,  dogmatic  or  formal, 
defined,  145  ;  subjective  factors,  145  ; 
objective  factors,  148 ;  development 
of  cooperation,  151 ;  evidences  and 
extent,  153. 

Like-mindedness,  instinctive,  defined. 


800 


Index 


133  ;  factors,  134 ;  evidences  and  ex- 
tent, 136. 

Like-mindedness,  sympathetic,  defined, 
136 ;  subjective  factors,  136  ;  objec- 
tive factors,  139 ;  development  of 
cooperation,  142 ;  evidences  and  ex- 
tent, 142. 

Like  response,  integration  of,  61 ;  mo- 
mentary, 61 ;  habitual,  62 ;  and  co- 
operation, 114. 

Lilienf eld,  P. ,  contribution  to  sociology, 
16. 

Locke,  John,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

Lumholtz,  Carl,  on  primitive  secret 
societies,  207  n. 

Machiavelli,  N.,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

McLennan,  J.  F.,  contribution  to  so- 
ciology, 16. 

Maine,  Henry  Sumner,  contribution  to 
sociology,  16  ;  on  the  clan,  205  n. 

Malagasy,  194. 

Manners,  development  of,  123. 

Marshall,  Henry  R.,  on  instinct  and 
impulse,  136  n. 

Marx,  Karl,  contribution  to  sociology, 
17. 

Mayo-Smith,  Richmond,  on  birth  rates 
and  death  rates,  42. 

Mental  and  moral  differentiation,  de- 
fined, 66. 

Mental  and  practical  resemblance,  de- 
fined, 4,  62  ;  basis  of  organic  sympa- 
thy, 92. 

Mentality,  development  of,  253 ;  classes, 
265. 

Method,  deductive.     See  Deduction. 

Method,  inductive.     See  Induction. 

Methods,  of  sociology,  10 ;  comparative 
and  historical,  17. 

Metronymic  societies,  190. 

Migration,  44. 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  on  induction,  11 ;  on 
method  of  agreement,  12  n.  ;  on 
method  of  difference,  14  n. ;  criticism 
of  his  inductive  logic,  17. 

Mill,  H.  R.,  "International  Geography," 
36. 


Mincopis,  191,  193. 

Mind,  social,  defined,  65,  67 ;  modes, 
66  ;  and  liberty,  226. 

Mind,  types  of,  63,  84. 

Minimum  congregation,  45. 

Montesquieu,  C.  L.,  relation  to  soci- 
ology, 16. 

Moral  thought  and  activity,  defined,  128 ; 
in  instinctive  like-mindedness,  136; 
in  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
143 ;  in  dogmatic  like-mindedness, 
162 ;  in  deliberative  like-minded- 
ness, 158,  161. 

Morality  classes,  257. 

Morgan,  Lewis  H.,  contribution  to  so- 
ciology, 16  ;  on  clan,  205  ;  on  phratry, 

206  n.  ;  on  secret  religious  societies, 

207  n. ;    on   military    associations, 

208  w. 

Morrison,  W.  D.,  on  temperature  and 

conduct,  140  n. 
Morselli,  Enrico,  on  temperature  and 

conduct,  140  n. 
Motor  reaction,  emotion  and  intellect 

types  of,  62,  74. 
Multiplication,  of  population,  41. 

Nair  polyandry,  192. 

Nationality,  60. 

Natural  society,  defined,  6. 

Organic  sympathy,  defined,  91 ;  de- 
grees, 94. 

Organization,  social,  nature  and  forms 
of,  182  ;  character,  225 ;  efficiency, 
228. 

Orgetorix,  conspiracy  of,  208  n. 

Ostyaks,  194. 

Patronymic  societies,  190. 

Pearson,  Karl,  on  induction,  11 ;  on 
standard  deviation,  22  n.  ;  on  statis- 
tical determination  of  types,  74  n. 

Perception,  of  resemblance,  described, 
94. 

Persistence,  a  method  of  characteriza- 
tion, 81. 

Personality,  social,  defined,  233;  final 


Index 


301 


results,  249 ;  analysis,  249 ;  vitality, 
250  ;  mentality,  253  ;  morality,  257  ; 
sociality,  259  ;  evolution  of ,  266  ;  and 
institutions,  276. 

Phratry,  205. 

Physiocrats,  relation  to  sociology,  29. 

Picts,  polyandry  among,  192. 

Plato,  relation  to  sociology,  16. 

Pleasures,  as  motives  of  appreciation, 
72  ;  development  of  social,  123. 

Political  parties,  218. 

Political  thought  and  activity,  defined, 
129 ;  in  instinctive  like-mindedness, 
135 ;  in  sympathetic  like-minded- 
ness, 144;  in  dogmatic  like-minded- 
ness, 152  ;  in  deliberative  like-mind- 
edness, 159,  162. 

Polyandry,  192. 

Polygyny,  192. 

Population,  social,  defined,  6. 

Potential  genetic  aggregation,  43. 

Potential  nationality,  60. 

Potential  resemblance,  consciousness 
of,  100. 

Propinquity,  50. 

Psychical  determination,  268. 

Psychology  and  sociology,  7. 

Public  opinion,  nature  of,  154. 

Public  policy,  defined,  161. 

Public  sanction,  182. 

Public  utilities,  defined,  232  ;  security, 
235;  equity,  236;  economy,  239; 
culture,  243. 

Pufendorf,  Samuel,  relation  to  sociology, 
16. 

Punaluan  family,  191. 

Eationally  conscientious  character,  de- 
fined, 83. 

Reflective  sympathy,  97. 

Religion,  defined,  122. 

Resemblance,  and  grouping,  3 ;  psychi- 
cal, 4 ;  awareness  of,  4 ;  and  in- 
duction, 11 ;  categories,  12 ;  and 
deduction,  26  ;  in  social  composition, 
187  ;  in  social  constitution,  199. 

Response  to  stimulation,  57 ;  instinctive, 
a  method  of  appreciation,  73. 


Ripley,  "W.  Z.,  on  the  races  of  Europe, 
52  ;  on  cephalic  race,  109  n. 

Rousseau,  J.  J.,  relation  to  sociology, 
16. 

Santals,  194. 

Schaffte,  A.,  contribution  to  sociology, 
16. 

Scientific  ideas,  123. 

Scripture,  Edward  W.,  method  of  de- 
termining mean  error,  13  n.  ;  on 
psychological  types,  74  n.  ;  on  classi- 
fication of  minds,  86  n. 

Security  and  the  social  welfare,  235. 

Segregation,  3. 

Sensation,  elementary  fact  of  conscious- 
ness, 57. 

Sensations,  of  self  and  others,  92;  of 
meeting,  93. 

Sex,  differences  of,  48. 

Shaler,  Nathaniel  S.,  on  inhabitable 
areas,  36. 

Shibboleth,  137. 

Simmel,  G.,  contribution  to  sociology, 
16. 

Smith,  Adam,  classification  of  indus- 
trial systems,  29. 

Smith,  Robertson,  on  the  clan,  205  n. 

Social  choice.     See  Choice,  social. 

Social  composition.  See  Composition, 
social. 

Social  consciousness.  See  Conscious- 
ness, social. 

Social  constitution.  See  Constitution, 
social. 

Social-economic  classes,  242. 

Social  forces,  67. 

Social  mind.     See  Mind,  social. 

Social  organization.  See  Organization,, 
social. 

Social  personality.  See  Personality, 
social. 

Social  pleasures,  development  of,  123. 

Social  values,  159. 

Social  will,  67. 

Sociality,  defined,  259  ;  classes,  261. 

Socialization,  defined,  59,  101 ;  of  mo- 
tives and  methods,  102. 


302 


Index 


Socializing  forces,  69. 

Society,  defined,  6 ;  supreme  end  of, 
130 ;  functioning  of,  232  ;  and  person- 
ality, 266. 

Sociology,  defined,  7  ;  relation  to  other 
sciences,  7  ;  methods,  10 ;  work  ac- 
complished, 28  ;  further  problems,  29. 

Socius,  the  unit  of  society,  9 ;  actual 
or  ideal,  130. 

Sovereignty,  defined,  119. 

Spencer,  B.,  and  Gillen,  on  totemism, 
190  n.  ;  on  the  clan,  205  n.  ;  on  primi- 
tive secret  societies,  207  n. 

Spencer,  Herbert,  contribution  to  soci- 
ology, 16  and  17  ;  on  the  comparative 
psychology  of  man,  265  n.  ;  on  ego- 
altruism,  257. 

Spinoza,  Benedict  de,  relation  to  soci- 
ology, 16;  on  reflective  sympathy, 
97  ;  desire  for  recognition,  98. 

Standard  deviation,  22. 

Standard  of  living,  158. 

State,  defined,  119  ;  composition,  210 ; 
constitution,  211 ;  functions,  212. 

Statistics,  methods,  20 ;  inexact,  22. 

Stephen,  James  Fitz-James,  on  liberty 
and  equality,  238  n. 

Stimulation  and  response,  57,  65. 

Sub-social  grouping,  5. 

Substitution  and  deductive  method,  26. 

Sympathetic  like-mindedness.  See  Like- 
mindedness,  sympathetic. 

Sympathy,  law  of,  108. 

Tabular  analysis,  30. 

Tahitians,  194. 

Tarde,  Gabriel,  contribution  to  sociol- 
ogy, 17 ;  three  aspects  of  natural 
phenomena,  103  n.  ;  laws  of  imita- 
tion, 105. 

Testimony,  human,  value  and  criticism 
of,  18. 

Thomas,  William  I. ,  on  costume,  123  n. 

Tibetan  polyandry,  192. 


Titchener,  E.  B.,  on  mental  differences 

and  resemblances,  86  n. 
Todas,  191. 
Toleration,  107. 
Tongans,  194. 
Totem,  190. 
Totem-kin,  205. 
Tradition,  origin  of,  150  j   controlling 

force  of,  177. 
Tribe,  as  a  component  society,  193 ;  as 

a  constituent  society,  206. 
Tylor,  E.  B.,  on  animistic  ideas,  121  ; 

method  of  determining  correlation, 

283. 
Types  of  character,  82. 
Types  of  disposition,  78. 
Types  of  mind,  84. 
Types  of  motor  reaction,  emotion,  and 

intellect,  74. 

Utes,  193. 

Utilization,  defined,  58 ;  degrees,  76 ; 
motives,  76  ;  methods,  77. 

Values,  social,  159. 

Variation  and  mixture,  46 ;  organic,  47. 

Veddahs,  193. 

Venn,  John,  on  induction,  11. 

Viciousness,  defined,  257. 

Vitality  classes,  251. 

Volitional  association,  defined,  271 ; 
forms,  271 ;  growth  and  reactions, 
272  ;  functions,  277. 

Voluntaiy  associations,  213 ;  cultural, 
213  ;  economic,  214  ;  moral  and  juris- 
tic, 216  ;  political,  217. 

Ward,  Lester  F.,  contribution  to  soci- 
ology, 17. 

Wealth,  increase  of,  239;  apportion- 
ment of,  241. 

Weber,  A.  F.,  on  vitality  and  mentality 
in  cities,  252  n. 

Will,  social,  67. 


DEMOCRACY  AND  EMPIRE. 

With  Studies  of  their  Psychological,  Economic,  and  Moral 
Foundations. 

By  FRANKLIN  H.   GIDDINGS. 

Cloth.    8vo.    $2.50. 

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THE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIOLOGY. 

A  Text-book  for  Colleges  and  Schools. 

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Professor  of  Sociology  in  Columbia  University, 

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—  Professor  H.  Sidgwick  in  The  Economic  Journal. 

"Of  its  extreme  interest,  its  suggestiveness,  its  helpfulness  to  readers  to 
whom  social  questions  are  important,  but  who  have  not  time  or  inclination  for 
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THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIOLOGY. 

AN  ANALYSIS   OF   THE   PHENOMENA    OF  ASSOCIATION  AND   OF 
SOCIAL    ORGANIZATION. 

By  FRANKLIN   HENRY  Q1DD1NQ5,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Sociology  in  Columbia  University,  in  the  City  of  New  York- 
(COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS.) 

8vo.     Cloth.     $3.00,  net. 


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which  it  discusses  the  psychical  elements  in  social  evolution. 

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THEORY   OF   SOCIALIZATION. 

A  Syllabus  of  the  Principles  of  Sociology. 

FOR  THE  USE  OF  COLLEGE  AND  UNIVERSITY  CLASSES. 

BY 
FRANKLIN  HENRY  GIDDINGS, 

Professor  of  Sociology  in  Columbia  University. 


With  References  to  "  The  Principles  of  Sociology "  by 
the  same  Author. 


Pamphlet  Form.    8vo.    60  cents,  net. 


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together  constitute  a  text-book  for  the  advanced  student  of  the  subject. 
"  The  Theory  of  Socialization  "  presents  the  chief  theoretical  principles 
of  sociology  in  a  compact  form  and  consecutive  order,  and  illustrates 
many  of  them  with  new  examples.  The  consciousness  of  kind  is  fully 
analyzed,  and  the  modes  of  resemblance  which  underlie  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind  are  described  in  detail.  The  reaction  of  the  consciousness 
of  kind  upon  the  individualistic  motives  is  explained,  and  it  is  shown 
that  it  is  through  the  modification  of  individualistic  motives  by  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  that  the  true  social  forces  arise.  The  process  by 
which  these  social  forces  are  developed  into  an  organized  social  control 
is  fully  treated,  and  a  practical  bearing  is  given  to  the  whole  philosophy 
of  the  subject  by  an  examination  of  its  relation  to  the  democratic  pro- 
gramme of  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity. 


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